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听力原文:M: Why don't we stop for some crackers after the film?
W: I'd love to, but I am on a diet.
M: But you've very slim.
W: Yes, girls can never be too thin.
What did the man ask the woman to do?

A. Go on a diet.
B. Have a snack.
C. Play some tennis.
D. Stop screaming.

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听力原文:M: Mrs. Anderson, you must have gained a deep insight into the problems of married couples.
W: Yes, I think I have.
M: What do you consider to be the most important problems?
Who is the man?

A. a judge.
B. An interviewer.
C. a professor.
D. A counselor.

听力原文:M: This train was supposed to get to Wuhan at nine O'clock.
W: Nine O'clock but it's already nine-thirty!
What does the woman mean ?

A. She doesn't know how long they will have to wait.
B. They are going to be in Wuhan at eight.
C. They are going to be very late.
D. The train doesn't go to Wuhan.

As they grow older, many children turn aside from books without pictures, and it is a situation made more serious as out culture becomes more visual. It is hard to wean children off picture books when pictures have played a major part throughout their formative reading experiences, and when there is competition for their attention from so many other sources of entertainment. The least intelligent are most vulnerable, but tests show that even intelligent children are being affected. The response of educators has been to extend the use of pictures in books and to simplify the language, even at senior levels. The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge recently held joint conferences to discuss the noticeably rapid decline in literacy among their undergraduates. Pictures are also used to help motivate children to read because they are beautiful and eye-catching. But motivation to read should be provided by listening to stories well read, where children imagine in response to the story. Then, as they start to read, they have this experience to help them understand the language. If we present pictures to save children the trouble of developing these creative skills, then I think we are making a great mistake.
Academic journals ranging from educational research, psychology, language !earning, psycholinguistic, and so on cite experiments, which demonstrate how detrimental picture a

A. they read too loudly
B. there are too many repetitive words
C. they are discouraged from using their imagination
D. they have difficulty assessing its meaning

Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoints of early twentieth century Progressive historians such as Beard and Becket, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation. The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported. Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic class. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebels side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth -- century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid -- though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed -- that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like" the better sort." Despite these vague categories one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.
Having said this, however, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The" Paxton Boys" incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interests. Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict-- which also existed between North and South -- deserves further investigation.
In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century American. Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand the consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.
The author considers the contentions made by the recent historians discussed in the passage to be ______.

A. potentially verifiable
B. partially justified
C. logically contradictory
D. ingenious but flawed

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