在窗体中添加一个标签LblResult和一个命令按钮Command1,然后编写程序。程序的功能是单击命令按钮,计算1+2+3+4+5的值,并把结果转化为字符串显示在标签内,能够实现上述功能的程序段是, ()
A. Private Sub Command1_Click() Dim I,R As Integer For I=1 To 5 Step 1 R=R+I Next LblResult. Name=Str$ (R) End Sub
B. Private Sub Command1_ClickO Dim I,R As Integer For I=1 To 5 Step 1 R=R+I Next LblResult. Caption= Str$ (R) End Sub
C. Private Sub Command1_Click() Dim I,R As Integer Do While I<5 R=R+I I=I+1 Loop LblResult. Caption=Str$ (R) End Sub
D. Private Sub Command1_Click() Dim I,R As Integer Do R=R+I I=I+1 Loop While I<5 LblResult. Caption=Str$ (R) End Sub
查看答案
以下语句的输出结果是 () Print Format $ (367234."000,000,000")
A. 000,003.678
B. 003,678.23
C. 3678.23
D. 000,003.678
在窗体中添加一个命令按钮Commandl和一个文本框Text1,编写命令按钮Com-mand1 的 Click事件代码; Private Sub Command1_Click() Dim S As String*20 S=TextText End Sub 该程序的功能是当单击按钮Command1时,把变量S中内容写入一个顺序文件 datl. dar中,正确的程序段是 ()
A. Open "datl. dat", For lnput As#1 Write井1,S
B. Open"datl. dat" For Output As#1 Write#1, S
C. Open"dat", For Binary As #1 Write #1, S Close #1
D. Open datl. dat"For Random As #1 Write #1, S Close #1
The Labor government's response was not to conduct a fundamental review about how best to reform. health care for the 21st century. Rather, it concluded that shortage of money, not the form. of financing or provision, was the main problem. In 2002, Gordon Brown, the powerful chancellor of the exchequer, used a review of the NHS'S future financing requirements to reject alternative funding models that would allow patients to sign up with competing insurers and so exercise greater control over their own health care.
Alan Milburn, the health minister, has made some tentative steps back towards the internal market introduced by the Conservative government. It means that a dozen top-ranking hospitals will also have been given greater freedom to run their own affairs. However, these reforms will not deliver real consumer power to patients.
As a result, the return on the money pouring into the NHS looks set to be disappointingly meager. Already there are worrying signs that much of the cash cascade will be soaked up in higher pay and shorter hours for staff and bear little relation to extra effort, productivity and quality. Some improvements will occur but far less than might be expected from such a financial windfall.
Health-care systems in the developed world share a common history, argues David Cutler at Harvard University. First governments founded generous universal systems after the Second World War. With few controls over the demand for medical care or its supply, costs then spiraled up. Starting in the 1980s there was a drive to contain expenditure, often through crude constraints on medical budgets which ran counter to rising patient expectations. Now this strategy has run its course: a third wave of reforms is under way to increase efficiency and restrain demand through cost-sharing between insurers and patients. Viewed from this perspective, the government's plan to shower cash on a largely unreformed NHS looks anomalous. But before more fundamental change can be contemplated in Britain, the old system must be shown to be incapable of cure through money. This harsh lesson is likely to be learnt as early as 2003.
In contrast to Britain, France is funding their medical care
A. more extravagantly.
B. more cautiously.
C. more consistently.
D. more reasonably.
Instead of encouraging the industry to restructure, the long-term protection has sustained inefficient companies and cost U.S. consumers dearly. As Anne O. Krueger, now deputy managing director of the International Monetary Fund, said in a report on Big Steel: "The American Big Steel industry has been the champion lobbyist and seeker of protection....It provides a key and disillusioning example of the ability special interests to lobby in Washington for measures which hurt the general public and help a very small group."
Since 1950s, Big Steel has been reluctant to make the investments needed to match the new technologies introduced elsewhere. It agreed to high wages for its unionized labor force. Hence, the companies have difficulty in competing not only with more efficient producers in Asia and Europe but also with technologically advanced U.S. mini-mills, which rely on scrap metal as an input. Led by Nucor Cor., these mills now capture about half of overall U.S. sales.
The profitability of U.S. steel companies depends also on steel prices, which, despite attempts at protection by the U.S. and other governments, are determined primarily in world markets. These prices are relatively high as recently as early 2000 but have since declined with the world recession to reach the lowest dollar values of the last 20 years. Although these low prices are unfortunate for U.S. producers, they are beneficial for the overall U.S. economy. The low prices are also signal that the inefficient Big Steel companies should go out of business even faster than they have been.
Instead of leaving or modernizing, the dying Big Steel industry complains that foreigners dump steels by selling at low prices. However, it is hard to see why it is bad for the overall U.S. economy if foreign producers wish to sell us their goods at low prices. After all, the extreme case of dumping is one where foreigners give us their steel for free and why would that be a bad thing?
According to Anne Krueger, long-term government protection given to steel companies
A. will increase the state wealth.
B. will threaten trade monopoly.
C. will raise their competitiveness.
D. will ultimately hurt consumers.