题目内容
Why doesn't Professor Nadehnanne agree that tobacco companies or pharmaceutical companies
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SECTION B INTERVIEW
Directions: In this section you will hear everything ONCE ONLY. Listen carefully and then answer the questions that follow. Questions 1 to 5 are based on an interview. At the end of the interview you will be given 10 seconds to answer each of the following five questions.
Now listen to the interview.
听力原文：INTERVIEWER: Professor Nadelmanne, you have been one of the earliest and most listened voices in favor of drug legalization. Why are you for it？
INTERVIEWEE: Well, in my opinion, the most violent, outlaw economies created by drug prohibition are worse than drag use itself.
INTERVIEWER: Suppose drug legalization is in effect, then what's the first riling you do？
INTERVIEWEE: The case for legalizing marijuana is an extremely powerful one. But my idea of legalization is not based on the tobacco model, in which we make a highly addictive and deadly substance available at seven cents a piece to be sold in vending machines in packages of twenty. What you do is make it available, more or less like alcohol is made available, in places where it is relatively controlled, where you have to show proof of ID. With legal marijuana you could have health warnings on the label.
INTERVIEWER: Do you think that tobacco companies or pharmaceutical companies will come to dominate the business？
INTERVIEWEE: No, we can't afford that. Look at the tobacco industry internationally. Do they ever make an effort not to have it sold to children？ I'd like to see the federal tax on tobacco doubled or tripled. That would significantly reduce consumption, especially among new users, but would not raise the price so high it would encourage a black market.
INTERVIEWER: So marijuana is legal, what next？
INTERVIEWEE: On a realistic level, we're going to have to go step by step. For example, we are not going to legalize crack; what we will do is legalize 15 percent cocaine. Let's say the government will make available 15 percent-pure cocaine. What would happen？ Clearly a lot of people using 60 percent cocaine would be just as satisfied with 15 percent. They would be better-off, in all likelihood, because they are using a weaker drug and not as much of it.
INTERVIEWER: What would you do about PCP and heroin？
INTERVIEWEE: I don't think it's a good idea to introduce particular types of drugs into places where there is no demand for them. But if there is a lot of PCP use in this city, then the government comes in and regulates its sale. The object is to undercut the criminal element.
INTERVIEWER: What do you sec when you look into the future of the drug situation？
INTERVIEWEE: You hear knowledgeable people say that the knowledge to manufacture mindalerting substances at home is the type of knowledge anybody with a high school chemistry education will have.
INTERVIEWER: So what are we going to do then.* To ban high school chemistry courses？
INTERVIEWEE: Well, almost every society has found some form. of chemical substance to alter one's state of consciousness. Some societies have been very successful at integrating this into their culture and using it in almost totally nondestructive ways. Somehow public policy has to find a way of encouraging people not to abuse drugs, or at least to use them more safely. Then we need to find the best ways to deal with those people who don't know how to use them safely. Not by throwing them in jail, but by finding ways to help them.
This interview is mainly about______.
During adolescence, the development of political ideology becomes apparent in the individual; ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing, though perhaps tacit, set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills: the ability to manage abstractness to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These are accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles.
The child's rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge, I mean more than the dreary "facts" , such as the composition of county government that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade civics course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facets of knowledge., but they are less critical than the adolescent's absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding—for example, what the state can "appropriately" demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the "proper" relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts. Much of the naiveté that characterizes the younger adolescent's grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of "facts" but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of what is and is not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.
Yet I do not want to overemphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology. Over the years I have become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count numbers in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their heads many random bits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information.
Like magpies, children's minds pick up bits and pieces of data. If you encourage them, they will drop these at your feet—Republicans and Democrats, the tripartite division of the federal system, perhaps even the capital of Massachusetts. But until the adolescent has grasped the integumental function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered.
The author's primary purpose in the passage is to______.
It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with the
听力原文： A European Union peace mission has left Algeria. The departure came as three bombs killed 2 people and injured 28 in Algiers. There was no claim of responsibility for Thursday's bombings, but the police blamed Muslim extremist rebels. The European Union envoy spent five days in Algeria, trying to come up with a plan for helping that country to end terrorist attacks against civilians. There was no indication of a breakthrough. The world has been horrified by recent wave of civilian massacres in Algeria that claimed more than 1,200 lives.
How many casualties were caused by the three bombs？
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