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1 The banners are packed, the tickets booked. The glitter and white overalls have been bought, the gas masks just fit and the mobile phones are ready. All that remains is to get to the parties.
2 This week will see a feast of pan-European protests. It started on Bastille Day, last Saturday, with the French unions and immigrants on the streets and the first demonstrations in Britain and Germany about climate change. It will continue tomorrow and Thursday with environmental and peace rallies against President Bush. But the big one is in Genoa, on Friday and Saturday, where the G8 leaders will meet behind the lines of 18,000 heavily armed police.
3 Unlike Prague, Gothenburg, Cologne or Nice, Genoa is expected to be Europe's Seattle, the coming together of the disparate strands of resistance to corporate globalisation.
4 Neither the protesters nor the authorities know what will happen, but some things are predictable. Yes, there will be violence and yes, the mass media will focus on it. What should seriously concern the G8 is not so much the violence, the numbers in the streets or even that they themselves look like idiots hiding behind the barricades, but that the deep roots of a genuine new version of internationalism are growing.
5 For the first time in a generation, the international political and economic condition is in the dock. Moreover, the protesters are unlikely to go away, their confidence is growing rather than waning, their agendas are merging, the protests are spreading and drawing in all ages and concerns.
6 No single analysis has drawn all the strands of the debate together. In the meantime, the global protest "movement" is developing its own language, texts, agendas, myths, heroes and villains. Just as the G8 leaders, world bodies and businesses talk increasingly from the same script, so the protesters' once disparate political and social analyses are converging. The long-term project of governments and world bodies to globalise capital and development is being mirrored by the globalisation of protest.
7 But what happens next? Governments and world bodies are unsure which way to turn. However well they are policed, major protests reinforce the impression of indifferent elites, repression of debate, overreaction to dissent, injustice and unaccountable power.
8 Their options—apart from actually embracing the broad agenda being put to them—are to retreat behind even higher barricades, repress dissent further, abandon global meetings altogether or, more likely, meet only in places able to physically resist the masses.
9 Brussels is considering building a super fortress for international meetings. Genoa may be the last of the European super-protests.
According to the context, the word "parties" at the end of the first paragraph refers to ______.

A. the meeting of the G8 leaders.
B. the protests on Bastille Day.
C. the coming pan-European protests.
D. the big protest to be held in Genoa.

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为了吸引外资,引进先进技术,扩大对外经济合作与交流,国家对外商投资企业和外国企业给予一系列税收优惠政策,对除股息以外的预提所得税,均减()的税率征收。

A. 0.15
B. 0.24
C. 0.4
D. 0.1

In addition to the economic considerations, there is a______ motive behind Bush's signing

A. partisan
B. social
C. financial
D. cultural

SECTION C NEWS BROADCAST
Directions: In this section you will hear everything ONCE ONLY. Listen carefully and then answer the questions that follow. At the end of each news item, you will be given 10 seconds to answer the questions.
听力原文: A new data shows that the global AIDS epidemic will cause a sharp drop in life expectancy in dozens of countries, in some cases, declines of almost three decades. Several nations are losing a century of progress in extending the length of life. Nations in every part of the world, 51 in all, are suffering declining life expectancies because of an increasing prevalence of HIV infection. The impact is occurring in Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, but is the greatest in Sub-Sahara Africa, a region with only ten percent of the world's population, but 700% of HIV infections.
Seven African countries have life expectancies of less than 40 years. For example, in Botswana, where 39% of the adult population is infected with HIV, life expectancy is 39 years. But by 2010, it will be less than 27 years. Without AIDS, it would have been 44 years. Life expectancies throughout the Caribbean and some central American nations will drop into the 60s by 2010, when it would otherwise be in tile 70s without AIDS. In Cambodia and Burma, they are predicted to decline to around 60 years old, for what would have been in the mid-60s. Even in countries where the number of new infections is dropping, such as Thailand, Uganda and Senegal, small life expectancy drop is forecast. Back in the early 1990s, we never would have suspected that population growth would turn negative because of AIDS mortality. In less than 10 years, we expect that 5 countries will be experiencing negative population growth because of AIDS mortality, including South Africa, Mozambique, Lesotho, Botswana and Swaziland.
Which of the following regions in the world will witness the sharpest drop in life expectancy?

A. Latin America.
B. Sub-Saharan Africa.
C. Asia.
D. The Caribbean.

2 Agricultural production in most poor countries accounts for up to 50% of GDP, compared to only 3% in rich countries. But most farmers in poor countries grow just enough for themselves and their families. Those who try exporting to the West find their goods whacked with huge tariffs or competing against cheaper subsidized goods. In 1999 the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development concluded that for each dollar developing countries receive in aid they lose up to $14 just because of trade barriers imposed on the export of their manufactured goods. It's not as if the developing world wants any favours, says Gerald Ssendawula, Uganda's Minister of Finance. "What we want is for the rich countries to let us compete."
3 Agriculture is one of the few areas in which the Third World can compete. Land and labour are cheap, and as farming methods develop, new technologies should improve output. This is no pie-in-the-sky speculation. The biggest success in Kenya's economy over the past decade has been the boom in exports of cut flowers and vegetables to Europe. But that may all change in 2008. when Kenya will be slightly too rich to qualify for the "least-developed country" status that allows African producers to avoid paying stiff European import duties on selected agricultural products. With trade barriers in place, the horticulture industry in Kenya will shrivel as quickly as a discarded rose. And while agriculture exports remain the great hope for poor countries, reducing trade barriers in other sectors also works: America's African Growth and Opportunity Act, which cuts duties on exports of everything from handicrafts to shoes, has proved a boon to Africa's manufacturers. The lesson: the Third World can prosper if the rich world gives it a fair go.
4 This is what makes Bush's decision to increase farm subsidies last month all the more depressing. Poor countries have long suspected that the rich world urges trade liberalization only so it can wangle its way into new markets. Such suspicions caused the Seattle trade talks to break down three years ago. But last November members of the World Trade Organization, meeting in Doha, Qatar, finally agreed to a new round of talks designed to open up global trade in agriculture and textiles. Rich countries assured poor countries, that their concerns were finally being addressed. Bush's handout last month makes a lie of America's commitment to those talks and his personal devotion to free trade.
By comparison, farmers ______ receive more government subsidies than others.

A. in the developing world
B. in Japan
C. in Europe
D. in America

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