题目内容
The author of the passage would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements about Bailyn's work？
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Bermard Bailyn has recently reinterpreted the early history of the United States by applying new social research findings on the experiences of European migrants. In his reinterpretation, migration becomes the organizing principle for rewriting the history of preindustrial North America. His approach rests on four separate propositions.
The first of these asserts that residents of early modern England moved regularly about their countryside; migrating to the New World was simply a "natural spillover". Although at first the colonies held little positive attraction for the English -- they would rather have stayed home -- by the eighteenth century people increasingly migrated to America because they regarded it as the land of opportunity. Secondly, Bailyn holds that, contrary to the notion that used to flourish in American history textbooks, there was never a typical New World community. For example, the economic and demographic character of early New England towns varied considerably.
Bailyn's third proposition suggests two general patterns prevailing among the many thousand migrants: one group came as indentured servants, another came to acquire land. Surprisingly, Bailyn suggests that those who recruited indentured servants were the driving forces of transatlantic migration. These colonial entrepreneurs helped determine the social character of people who came to preindustrial North America. At first, thousands of unskilled laborers were recruited; by the 1730's, however, American employers demanded skilled artisans.
Finally, Bailyn argues that the colonies were a haft-civilized hinterland of the European culture system. He is undoubtedly correct to insist that the colonies were part of an Anglo-American empire. But to divide the empire into English core and colonial perphery, as Bailyn does, devalues the achievements of colonial culture, as Bailyn claims, that high culture in the colonies never matched that in England. But what of seventeenth-century New England, where the settlers created effective laws, built a distinguished university, and published books？ Bailyn might respond that New England was exceptional. However, the ideas and institutions developed by New England Puritans had powerful effects on North American culture.
Although Bailyn goes on to apply his approach to some thousands of indentured servants who migrated just prior to the revolution, he fails to link their experience with the political development of the United States. Evidence presented in his work suggests how we might make such a connection. These indentured servants were treated as slaves for the period during which they had sold their time to American employers. It is not surprising that as soon as they served their time they passed up good wages in the cities and headed west to ensure their personal independence by acquiring land. Thus, it is in the west that a peculiarly American political culture began, among colonists who were suspicious of authority and intensely antiaristocrafic.
The author of the passage states that Bailyn failed to ______.
SECTION B INTERVIEW
Directions: In this section you will hear everything ONCE ONLY. Listen carefully and then answer the questions that follow. Questions 1 to 5 are based on an interview. At the end of the interview you will be given 10 seconds to answer each of the following five questions.
Now listen to the interview.
听力原文： Adult Education
Interviewer: What type of people go to class at the adult education center？
Principal: Well, there are three types really. The first type are the people who want to occupy their leisure time, people who just want to use their minds a bit more. They're usually at work all day and come in the evening once or twice a week.
Interviewer: It must be quite tiring for them to start studying again and after a day's work!
Principal: Yes, but it's surprising how well most of them manage to attend regularly. And of course, apart from their interest in the course itself, it's a good opportunity for them to make some new friends.
The second type of people who come are those who left school without sitting for their exams and who find that qualifications are necessary to get a job or get promotion in the finn where they work. For these people, the content of the course must be interesting of course, but it's above all the qualification at the end which matters.
Interviewer: So you do "A" levels？
Principal: Yes, and diplomas, but not in all the courses.
Interviewer: And the third type？
Principal: Well, it's people who need to study vocational course of some kind.
Interviewer: What do you mean by vocational？
Principal: A vocational course means a training in a specific skill. The content of the course is directly related to a job of some kind. This means studying something like computers or law. If you study English Literature for example, you either do it for personal pleasure or for a qualification. You rarely do it for your job, unless of course you want to teach it. And even then you have to go to teacher training college.
Interviewer: Do you need any qualifications to start a course？
Principal: For the majority of course, none at all, as long as you're interested in the subject. However, some "A" level or diploma courses require previous qualifications, but if you can prove that you' ye some experience of the subject and need the course for your job, even this is not always necessary. You should ask the Head of Department about this.
Interviewer: What about the length of the courses？
Principal: They usually last from September to May or June. But it depends on the type of course. Often, if you're not taking an exam, you can enroll for just a term to see if you like it or not.
Interviewer: Is there any homework？
Principal: Well, "A" level and diploma courses require some extra work at home and you must make sure that you'll have the time to do this before you begin. It's surprising how difficult it is to study seriously if you finished school several years ago. For other courses there's no homework unless you want to do some.
Interviewer: And the fees？
Principal: Well, obviously, that depends on the length of the course, but for a full year it's between ￡10 and ￡25, with exam fees extra. But for unemployed people and old age pensioners, it's very much less--about a pound.
Interviewer: Not very expensive!
Principal: No, and I think most of our students would say it's very good value.
Who go to classes at the adult education center？
Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoins of early twentieth century Progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.
The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict？ Certainly not by the side a person supported. Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption the Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic class. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-de joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebels side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid thought recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed -- that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like "the better sort". Despite these vague categories one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.
Having said this, however, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. The "Paxton Boys" incident and the Regulator movement arc representative examples the widespread, and justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interests. Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict -- which also existed between North and South -- deserves further investigation.
In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century America. Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand the consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.
The author considers the contentions made by the recent historians discussed in the ______.passage to be ______.
The fruitless search for the cause of the increase in illiteracy is a tragic example of file saying "They can't see the wood for the trees". When teachers use picture books, they are simply continuing a long-established tradition that is accepted without question. And for the past two decades, illustrations in reading primers have become increasingly detailed and obtrusive, while language has become impoverished -- sometimes to the point of extinction.
Amazingly, there is virtually no empirical evidence to support the use of illustrations in teaching reading. On the contrary, a great deal of empirical evidence shows that pictures interfere in a damaging way with all aspects of learning to read. Despite this, from North America to the Antipodes, the first books that many school children receive are totally without text.
A teacher's main concern is to help young beginning readers to develop not only the ability to recognize words, but the skills necessary to understand what these words mean. Even if a child is able to read aloud fluently, he or she may not be able to undersdand much of it: this is called "barking at text". The teacher's task of improving comprehension is made harder by influences outisde the classroom. But the adverse effects of such things as television, video games, or limited language experiences at home, can be offset by experiencing "rich" language at school.
Instead, it is not unusual for a book of 30 or more pages to have only one sentence full of repetitive phrases. The artwork is often marvellous, but the pictures make the language redundant, and the children have no need to imagine anything when they read such books. Looking at a picture actively prevents children younger than nine from creating a mental image, and can make it difficult for older children. In order to learn how to comprehend, they need to practise making their own meaning in response to text. They need to have their innate powers of imagination trained.
As they grow older, many children turn aside from books without pictures, and it is a situation made more serious as our culture becomes more visual. It is hard to wean children off picture books when pictures have played a major part throughout their formative reading experiences, and when there is competition for their attention from so many other sources of entertainment. The least intelligent are most vulnerable, but tests show that even intelligent children are being affected. The response of educators has been to extend use of pictures in books and to simplify the language, even at senior levels. The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge recently held joint conferences to discuss the noticeably rapid decline in literacy among their undergraduates.
Pictures are also used to help motivate children to read bacause they are beautiful and eyecatching. But motivation to read should be provided by listening to stories well read, where children imagine in response to the story. Then, as they start to read, they have this experience to help them understand the language. If we present pictures to save children the trouble of developing these creative skills, then I think we are making a great mistake.
Academic journals ranging from educational research, psychology, language learning, psycholinguistics, and so on c
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