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Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen' s (1994 ) qualitative study of working people' s diaries, ,se assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated.
Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor-intensive chores. July tended to be haying season tbr farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day.
Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell' s diary (9 July, 1825 ) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Carr' s for Oxen." (See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data. ) We therefore created the following coding protocol.
We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend (which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another' s home, or interaction at a public place.
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If income is transferred from rich persons to poor persons the proportion in which different sorts of goods and services are provided will be changed. Expensive luxuries will give place to more necessary articles, rare wines to meat and bread, new machines and factories to clothes and improved small dwellings; and there will be other changes of a like sort. In view of this fact, it is inexact to speak of a change in the distribution of the dividend in favor of, or adverse to, the poor. There is not a single definitely constituted heap of things coming into being each year and distributed now in one way, now in another. In fact, there is no such thing as the dividend from the point of view of both of two years, and therefore, there can be no such thing as a change in its distribution.
This, however, is a point of words rather than of substance. What I mean when I say that the distribution of the dividend has changed in favor of the poor is that, the general productive power of the community being given, poor people are getting more of the things they want at the expense of rich people getting less of the things they want. It might be thought at first sight that the only way in which this could happen would be through a transference of purchasing power from the rich to the poor. That, however, is not so. It is possible for the poor to be advantaged and the rich damaged, even though the quantity of purchasing power, i.e. of command over productive resources, held by both groups remains unaltered. This might happen if the technical methods of producing something predominatingly consumed by the poor were improved and at the same time those of producing something predominatingly consumed by the rich were worsened, and if the net result was to leave the size of the national dividend as defined in Chapter V. unchanged. It might also happen if, by a system of rationing or some other device, the rich were forced to transfer their demand away from things which are important to the poor and which are produced under such conditions that diminished demand leads to lowered prices. Per contra and this point will be seen in Part IV. To be very important practically—the share, both proportionate and absolute of command over the country' s productive resources held by the poor may be increased, and yet, if the process by which they acquire this greater share involves an increase in the cost of things that play a large part in their own consumption, they may not really gain. Thus a change in distribution favorable to the poor may be brought about otherwise than by a transference of purchasing power, or command over productive resources, to them, and it does not mean a transference of these things to them. None the less, this sort of transference is the most important, and may be regarded as the typical, means by which changes in distribution favorable to the poor come about.
The method in which the writer believes is most effective for the poor benefiting from the rich is ______ .
A law usually has two important features, in the first place, it specifies behavior. The behavior. is usually not described topographically but rather in terms of its effect upon others—the effect that is the object of governmental control. When we are told, for example, that an individual has "committed perjury," we are not told what he has actually said. "Robbery" and "assault" do not refer to specific forms of response. Only properties of behavior. which are aversive to others are mentioned— in perjury the lack of a customary correspondence between a verbal response and certain factual circumstances, in robbery the removal of positive reinforces, and in assault the aversive character of physical injury. In the second place, a law specifies or implies a consequence, usually punishment. A law is thus a statement of a contingency of reinforcement maintained by a governmental agency. The contingency may have prevailed as a controlling practice prior to its codification as a law, or it may represent a new practice which goes into effect with the passage of the law. Laws are thus both descriptions of past practices and assurances of similar practices in the future. A law is a rule of conduct in the sense that it specifies the consequences of certain actions which in turn "rule" behavior.
The effect of a law upon the controlling agency. The government of a large group requires an elaborate organization, the practices of which may be made more consistent and effective by codification. How codes of law affect governmental agents is the principal subject of jurisprudence. The behavioral processes are complex, although presumably not novel. In order to maintain or "enforce" contingencies of governmental control, an agency must establish the fact that an individual has behaved illegally and must interpret a code to determine the punishment. It must then carry out the punishment. These labors are usually divided among special subdivisions of the agency. The advantages gained when the individual is "not under man but under law" have usually been obvious, and the great codifiers of law occupy places of honor in the history of civilization. Codification does not, however, change the essential nature of governmental action nor remedy all its defects.
In the development of a government agency, ______ .
One reaction to all the concern about tropical deforestation is a blank stare that asks the question, "Since I don't live in the tropics, what does it have to do with me？" The answer is that your way of life, wherever you live in the world, is tied to the tropics in many ways. If you live in a house, wash your hair, eat fruit and vegetables, drink soda, or drive a car, you can be certain that you are affected by the loss of tropical forests. Biologically, we are losing the richest regions on earth when, each minute, a piece of tropical forest the size of ten city blocks vanishes. As many as five million species of plants, animals and insects, 40 to 50 percent of all living things, live there, and are being irrevocably lost faster than they can be found and described. Their loss is incalculable.
Take medicine, for example. Fewer than one percent of tropical forest plants have been examined for their chemical compounds. Nonetheless, scientists have integrated a wealth of important plants into our everyday lives. The West African calabar bean is used to treat glaucoma, while the sankerfoot plant of India yields reserpine, essential for treating hypertension. A West African vine provides the basis for strophanthus, a heart medicine. Quinine, an alkaloid derived from boiling the bark of the cinchona tree, is used to prevent and treat malaria. Derivatives from the rosy periwinkle offer a 99 percent chance of remission for victims of lymphocytie leukemia, as well as a 59 percent chance of recovery from Hodgkin' s disease. In fact, of the 3,000 plant species in the world known to contain anti-cancer properties, 2,100 ate from the tropical rain forest. Then there is rubber. For many uses, only natural rubber from trees will do, synthetics are not good enough. Today, over half of the world' s commercial rubber is produced in Malaysia and Indonesia, while the Amazon' s rubber industry produces much of the world' s four million tons. Adding ammonia to rubber produces latex which is used for surgical gloves, balloons, adhesives, and foam rubber. Latex, plus a weak mixture of acid results in sheet rubber used for footwear and many sporting goods. Literally thousands of tropical plants are valuable for their industrial uses. Many provide fiber and canes for furniture, soundproofing and insulation. Palm oil, a product of tile tropics, brings to your table margarine, cooking oil, bakery products, and candles. Palm nut oil, from the seed kernel inside the fruit, is found in soap, candles, and mayonnaise. The sap from Amazonian copaiba trees, poured straight into a fuel tank, can power a truck. At present, 20 percent of Brazil ' s diesel fuel comes from this tree. An expanded use of this might reduce our dependency on irreplaceable fossil fuels.
Many scientists assert that deforestation contributes to the greenhouse effect, the heating of the earth from increased carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. As we destroy forests, we lose their ability to convert carbon dioxide into oxygen. Carbon dioxide levels could double within the next half-century, warming the earth by as much as 4.5 degrees. The result.'？ A partial melt-down of the polar ice caps, raising sea levels as much as 24 feet. A rise of 15 feet would threaten anyone living within 35 miles of the coast. Far-fetched？ Perhaps, but scientists warn that by the time we realize the severe effects of tropical deforestation, it will be 20 years too late. Can tropical deforestation affect our everyday lives？ We only have to look at the catalogued tropical forests and the abundance of wondrous products from which we benefit every day to know the answer. After all, the next discovery could be a cure for cancer or the common cold, or the answer to feeding the hungry, or fuelling our world for centuries to come.
According to the information contained in the article, tropical deforestation______.
The Poet is he who, by suppressing a part of what exists, by adding stone imaginary touches to the picture, and by combining certain real circumstances that do not in fact happen together, completes and extends the work of nature. Thus the object of poetry is not to represent what is true, but to adorn it and to present to the mind some loftier image. Verse, regarded as the idem beauty of language, may be eminently poetical; but verse does not of itself constitute poetry.
I now proceed to inquire whether among the actions, the sentiments, and the opinions of democratic nations there are any which lead to a conception of the ideal, and which may for this reason be considered as natural sources of poetry.
It must, in the first place, be acknowledged that the taste for ideal beauty, and the pleasure derived from the expression of it, are never so intense or so diffused among a democratic as among an aristocratic people. In aristocratic nations it sometimes happens that the body acts as it were spontaneously, while the higher faculties are bound and burdened by repose. Among these nations the people will often display poetic tastes, and their fancy sometimes ranges beyond and above what surrounds them.
But in democracies the love of physical gratification, the notion of bettering one' s condition, the excitement of competition, the charm of anticipated success, are so many spurs to urge men onward in the active professions they have embraced, without allowing them to deviate for an instant from the track. The main stress of the faculties is to this point. The imagination is not extinct, but its chief function is to devise what may be useful and to represent what is real. The principle of equality not only diverts men from the description of ideal beauty; it also diminishes the number of objects to be described.
Aristocracy, by maintaining society in a fixed position, is favorable to the solidity and duration of positive religions as well as to the stability of political institutions. Not only does it keep the human mind within a certain sphere of belief, but it predisposes the mind to adopt one faith rather than another. An aristocratic people will always be prone to place intermediate powers between God and man. In this respect it may be said that the aristocratic element is favorable to poetry. When the universe is peopled with supernatural beings, not palpable to sense, but discovered by the mind, the imagination ranges freely; and poets, finding a thousand subjects to delineate, also find a countless audience to take an interest in their productions.
In democratic ages it sometimes happens, on the contrary, that men are as much afloat in matters of faith as they are in their laws. Skepticism then draws the imagination of poets back to earth and confines them to the real and visible world. Even when the principle of equality does not disturb religious conviction, it tends to simplify it and to divert attention from secondary agents, to fix it principally on the Supreme Power.
Aristocracy naturally leads the human mind to the contemplation of the past and fixes it there. Democracy, on the contrary, gives men a sort of instinctive distaste for what is ancient. In this respect aristocracy is far more favorable to poetry; for things commonly grow larger and more obscure as they are more remote, and for this twofold reason they are better suited to the delineation of the ideal.
Why does the author give his opinion of the definition of poetry？
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