题目内容
It is not often realized that women held a high place in southern European societies in the 10th and 11th centuries. As a wife, the woman was protected by the setting up of a dowry or decimum. Admittedly, the purpose of this was to protect her against the risk of desertion, but in reality its function in the social and family life of the time was much more important. The decimum was the wife's fight to receive a tenth of all her husband's property. The wife had the right to withhold consent, in all transactions the husband would make. And more than just a fight: the documents show that she enjoyed a real power of decision, equal to that of her husband. In no case do the documents indicate any degree of difference in the legal Status of hnband and Wife.
The wife shared in the management of her husband's personal property, but the opposite was not always ture. Women seemed perfectly able to defend their own inheritance against husbands who tried to exceed their rights; and on occasion they showed a fine fighting spirit. A case in point is that of Mafia Vivas, a Catalan woman of Barcelona. Having agreed with her husband Miro to sell a field she had inherited, for the needs of the household, she insisted on compensation. None being offered, she succeeded in dragging her husband to the scribe to have a contract duly drawn up assigning her a piece of land from Miro's personal inheritance. The unfortunate husband was obliged to agree, as the contract says, "for the sake of peace". Either through the dowry or through being hot-tempered, the Catalan wife knew how to win herself, within the context of the family, a powerful economic position.
A decimum was ______.
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Oil and Islam continue to define Saudi Arabia's room for maneuver. With global demand unlikely to wane in the foreseeable future and reserves elsewhere diminishing, oil will continue to keep the kingdom rich for decades to come. At the same time, the Saudis' attachment to their faith is not diminishing; it may even be growing stronger. But the faith itself is changing in subtle ways.
Having gone through waves of progress and retrenchment during its 73 years as a unified kingdom, Saudi Arabia is now well into another period of rapid change. This time, however, the well-oiled complacency of the previous big boom, in the 1970s, is largely gone. Four years ago, a survey in this newspaper argued that it might require internal shocks to jolt the Saudis into taking reform. seriously. Those shocks have now arrived.
Since May 2003, when suicide bombers attacked a housing compound in Riyadh, terrorist violence has touched every corner of the kingdom, claiming some 200 lives. Saudi nationals, the most famous being Osama bin Laden, continue to be implicated in terrorist attacks abroad, most notably in Iraq. Yet far from rallying Saudis, terrorism has made them identify more closely with the state. More importantly, the violence has brought intense introspection and debate.
Long accustomed to blaming outside influences for all ills, Saudis now accept that the fixing needs to start at home. Aside from extremism, the problems of unemployment, poverty and the abuse of human rights have moved to the top of the national agenda. Even the most absolute of previous taboos, political reform, is being widely debated. In dozens of interviews with Saudis of all stripes, one phrase kept coming up: the question is no longer whether to reform/restructure/change, but how fast to do it.
The government's answer, to date, has been slow, and not very sure. But this survey will argue that far from being a dinosaur nation, lumbering to extinction, Saudi Arabia is capable of rapid evolution. On some important issues, such as the rules governing business, it is already far down the right track. On others, such as the ways it educates its youth and excludes women, the kingdom is only just beginning to shift course.
Most Saudis reckon it is premature to speak of democracy in their country; but there are myriad ways to emancipate citizens, from upholding the rule of law to making budgets more transparent and loosening the grip of security agencies over universities and the press. Instead of their old tactics of prevarication, slow consensus-building and co-optation, the A1Sauds should try a new one: putting trust in their people.
What can we learn about Saudi Arabia from Paragraph 1 ？
关于不作为犯罪，下列说法不正确的是：（)A．副食商店的店主甲亲眼目睹了乙醉酒后打伤人的行为，在乙关于不作为犯罪，下列说法不正确的是：()
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