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According to paragraph 5, how did Fourier believe that children should be educated？
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In paragraph 3, the author's primary purpose is ______ .
At eight o' clock every morning from Tuesday to Saturday, French television viewers can watch a subtitled version of the previous evening's CBS news from New York. Not long ago, this would have provoked growls of protesting about America's cultural invasion of France. But the remarkable fact is that Mr. Dan Rather's arrival on French television screens has gone virtually unremarked.
This calmness requires an explanation. Is it that France has simply given up trying to protect itself from a seductive flood of American films, food, television programmes and music？ Not quite. Calmness need not mean submission. The French film industry, for example, is calling for help against competition from French television, whose programming is padded out with old American films and series. Is it rather that France has overcome its old cultural fears and dislike of America？ Again, no. On the whole, French people have always had a rather positive image of America. True, the French can be snobbish about American culture—often intensely so; but, whether of right or left, this snobbery is usually confined to elites. The anniversaries of the 1787 American constitution and the 1789 French revolution are giving many French and American academics an excuse to celebrate how much the two republics have in common.
No, the calmness on the French side has a lot to do with a growing knowledge of America in France. As piecemeal, factual views of America replace more fanciful or all-or-nothing ones, France is waking up to the fact that the cultural trade between it and America is more of a two-way street than the periodic excitement about "American cultural imperialism" suggests.
American studies in France are enjoying, if not a boom, at least a slow and comfortable growth, according to Professor Rene Vincent, the director of the Revue Francoise des Etudies Americans. This has taken a while. French universities did not take America seriously enough until some years after the Second World War, when young French scholars on Fulbright scholarships came back to France to teach American literature and history.
Even then, America lurked in Britain's shadow in French universities. But American study has won its independence from les Anglicistes. And, as it does so, American study in France is drifting away from literature towards history and politics. Helping, of course, is the fact that learning English in France is now widely felt to be indispensable to getting ahead. About half of France's universities now offer courses in American studies. At the French equivalent of post-graduate level, some 50 doctorates on American topics are awarded each year.
But American studies in France still have a long way to go. Paris has flourishing British, German, Latin-American and Spanish institutes; it will soon have an Arab institute. But there is no American institute. Talks about starting one have dragged on for years.
One reason for the lack of enthusiasm—and money—on the American side is the absence of a large community of French immigrants in the United States. Though the Fulbright programme provides many university exchanges, there is no proper equivalent of the West German Marshall Fund. There are plenty of American banks and companies in Paris, but the trickle-down from American business is small. The Franco-American Foundation promotes scholarly exchanges but has a tiny budget. Another case of sad neglect is the once-famous American library in Paris. Set up after the First World War, it is so short of money it opens only part-time.
This neglect is all the more regrettable because many of the best American universities have a keen interest in France. Despite the fact that Spanish might seem the obvious choice, French is still, at least on the east coast, the favoured foreign language in universities. For politics, Harvard's French studies programme is famous. At the beginning of October, New York and
A．He does not find much bias in people's attitude toward new religions.B．The bias will
The Greek word utopia has been used by those who envision a perfect world. The social reformers of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, like the British industrialist Robert Owen and the French theorist Charles Fourier, are considered Utopians because they believed in impossibly ideal conditions of social organization. Convinced that they possessed the truth, Utopians often exhibited a sense of mission by which they tried to persuade the unbeliever to accept the truth of their visions. Nonviolent but persuasive. Utopians relied heavily on providing unbelievers with information to convert them to the Utopian vision so that they joined the cause. Utopians relied on informal education to make their messages known to an ever-widening audience Owen and Fourier, for example, were tireless writers who produced volumes of essays and other publications. In particular, Owen was a frequent lecturer and organizer of committees designed to advance his Utopian beliefs.
Education was designed to create a popular movement for joining the Utopian cause. In this journalist or lecture stage, Utopian education consisted of two elements. First, it mentioned the ills of society and suggested how they might be remedied. Second, it presented a picture of life, often minutely detailed, in the new society.
Utopians believed that modern industrialism had caused individuals to lose interest in the values of both family and the larger society, resulting in personal and social disorganization. To overcome this sense of alienation Utopians sought to create perfectly integrated communities. Like the ancient Greek city-state, the new community would be a totally instructive environment. Work, leisure, art, and social and economic relationships would reinforce the sense of community and cultivate communitarian values. Fourier's form. of communal organization, the phalanstery, consisted of 2,000 members and was organized into flexible groups that provided for production, education, and recreation. In addition to communal workshops, kitchens, and laundries, the phalanstery would also provide libraries, concert halls, and study rooms for its members.
Utopian theorists, especially Owen, emphasized the education of the young in institutes and schools. The child, they reasoned, held the key to continuing the new society. Rejecting older concepts of child depravity and inherited human weakness, Utopians believed that human nature can be molded. Owen and other Utopians advocated beginning children's education as early as possible. Young children, they reasoned, were free of the prejudices and biases of the previously established social order. If they were educated in community nurseries, they would be free from the contaminating ideas of those who had not yet been cured of the vices of the established society. They could be shaped into the desired type of communitarian human beings. Community nurseries and infant schools performed a second function: freeing women from the burdens of child rearing and allowing them to have full equality with the male residents of Utopia.
According to Fourier, the family and the school in the previously established social order were agencies used to criticize and correct children. Fourier intended to replace them with associative or group-centered education in which peer friends would correct negative behavior. in the spirit of open friendship. Fourier's associative form. of education involved mutual criticism and group correction, which was a form. of character molding that brought about community social control and conformity. Fourier believed that children, like adults, had instincts and interests that should be encouraged rather than repressed. He envisioned a system of miniature work shops in which children could develop their industrious instincts.
His associative education was also intended to further the children's complete development. First, the body and its sense
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