题目内容

We will ______ and if we get anything done, we will tell you.

A. keeping by trying
B. keep to try
C. keep through trying
D. keep trying

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关于资产减值准则中规范的资产减值损失的确定,下列说法中正确的有()。A.可收回金额的计量结果表明关于资产减值准则中规范的资产减值损失的确定,下列说法中正确的有()。

A. 可收回金额的计量结果表明,资产的可收回金额低于其账面价值的,应当将资产的账面价值减记至可收回金额,减记的金额确认为资产减值损失,计入当期损益,同时计提相应的资产减值准备
B. 资产减值损失确认后,减值资产的折旧或者摊销费用应当在未来期间作相应调整,以使该资产在剩余使用寿命内,系统地分摊调整后的资产账面价值(扣除预计净残值)
C. 资产减值损失一经确认,在以后会计期间不得转回
D. 确认的资产减值损失,在以后会计期间可以转回

如果不存在固定成本,边际贡献就等于息税前利润,息税前利润变动率就等于产销业务量变动率。 ()

A. 正确
B. 错误

W: Yeah. I waited an hour to sign up for a distance learning course.
M: Distance learning? Never heard of it.
W: Well, it's new this semester. It's only open to psychology majors. But I bet it'll catch on elsewhere. Yesterday over a hundred students signed up.
M: Well, what is it?
W: It's an experimental course. I registered for Child Psychology. All I got to do is to watch a twelve-week series of televised lessons. The department shows them several different times a day and in several different locations.
M: Don't you ever have to meet with your professor?
W: Yeah. After each part of the series, I have to talk to her and the other students on the phone, you know, about our ideas. Then we'll meet on campus there for reviews and exams.
M: It sounds pretty non-traditional to me. But I guess it makes sense considering how many students have jobs. It must really help with their schedules. Not to mention how it'll cut down on traffic.
W: You know, last year my department did a survey and they found out that 80% of all psychology majors were employed. That's why they came up with the program. Look, I'll be working three days a week next semester and it is either cut back on my classes or try this out.
M: The only thing is, doesn't it seem impersonal though? I mean, I miss having class discussions and hearing what other people think.
W: Well, I guess that's why phone contacts are important. Anyway it's an experiment. Maybe I'll end up ha ting it.
M: Maybe. But I'll be curious to see how it works out.
(23)

A. She went sailing with the man.
B. She waited long to get a signature.
C. She applied for a new-open lesson.
D. She learned in a long distance.

The Science of Lasting Happiness
The day I meet Sonja Lyubomirsky, she keeps getting calls from her Toyota Prius dealer. When she finally picks up, she is excited by the news: she can buy the car she wants in two days. Lyubomirsky wonders if her enthusiasm might come across as materialism, but I understand that she is buying an experience as much as a possession. Two weeks later, in late January, the 40-year-old Lyubomirsky, who smiles often and seems to approach life with zest and good humor, reports that she is "totally loving the Prius." But will the feeling wear off soon after the new-car smell, or will it last, making a naturally happy person even more so?
The Possibility of Lasting Happiness
An experimental psychologist investigating the possibility of lasting happiness, Lyubomirsky understands far better than most of us the folly of pinning our hopes on a new car—or on any good fortune that comes our way. We tend to adapt, quickly returning to our usual level of happiness. The classic example of such "hedonic adaptation"(享乐适应) comes from a 1970s study of lottery winners, who a year after their windfall(意外横财)ended up no happier than nonwinners. Hedonic adaptation helps to explain why even changes in major life circumstances—such as income, marriage, physical health and where we live—do so little to boost our overall happiness. Not only that, but studies of twins and adoptees have shown that about 50 percent of each person's happiness is determined from birth. This "genetic set point" alone makes the happiness glass look half empty, because any upward swing in happiness seems doomed to fall back to near your baseline. "There's been a tension in the field," explains Lyubomirsky's main collaborator, psychologist Kennon M. Sheldon of the University of Missouri-Columbia. "Some people were assuming you can affect happiness if, for example, you picked the right goals, but there was all this literature that suggested it was impossible, that what goes up must come down."
The Happiness Pie
Lyubomirsky, Sheldon and another psychologist, David A. Schkade of the University of California, San Diego, put the existing findings together into a simple pie chart showing what determines happiness. Half the pie is the genetic set point. The smallest slice is circumstances, which explain only about 10 percent of people's differences in happiness. So what is the remaining 40 percent? "Because nobody had put it together before, that's unexplained," Lyubomirsky says. But she believes that when you take away genes and circumstances, what is left besides error must be "intentional activity," mental and behavioral strategies to counteract adaptation's downward pull.
Lyubomirsky has been studying these activities in hopes of finding out whether and how people can stay above their set point. In theory, that is possible in much the same way regular diet and exercise can keep athletes' weight below their genetic set points. But before Lyubomirsky began, there was "a huge vacuum of research on how to increase happiness," she says. The lottery study in particular "made people shy away from interventions," explains eminent University of Pennsylvania psychologist Martin E. P. Seligman, the father of positive psychology and a mentor to Lyubomirsky. When science had scrutinized(细察) happiness at all, it was mainly through correlational studies, which cannot tell what came first—the happiness or what it is linked to—let alone determine the cause and effect. Finding out that individuals with strong social ties are more satisfied with their lives than loners, for example, begs the question of whether friends make us happier or whether happy people are simply likelier to seek and attract friends.
Lyubomirsky's Research
Lyubomirsky began studying happiness as a graduate student in 1989 after an intriguing conversation with her adviser, Stanford University psychologist Lee D. Ross,

A. Y
B. N
C. NG

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