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In fact, the logic of catastrophe was pretty much the same in Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia and South Korea. (Japan is a very different story. ) In each case investors -- mainly, but not entirely, foreign banks who had made short-term loans -- all tried to pull their money out at the same time. The result was a Combined banking and currency crisis: a banking crisis because no bank can convert all its assets into cash on short notice; a currency crisis because panicked investors were trying not only to convert long term assets into cash, but to convert baht or rupiah into dollars. In the face of the stampede, governments had no good options. If they let their currencies plunge, inflation would soar and companies that had borrowed in dollars would go bankrupt; if they tried to support their currencies by pushing up interest rates, the same firms would probably go bust from the combination of debt burden and recession. In practice, countries split the difference -- and paid a heavy price regardless.
Was the crisis a punishment for bad economic management? Like most cliches, the catchphrase "crony capitalism" has prospered because it gets at something real: excessively cozy relationships between government and business really did lead to a lot of bad investments. The still primitive financial structure of Asian business also made the economies peculiarly vulnerable to a loss of confidence. But the punishment was surely disproportionate to the crime, and many investments that look foolish in retrospect seemed sensible at the time.
Given that there were no good policy options, was the policy response mainly on the right track? There was frantic blame-shifting when everything in Asia seemed to be going wrong; now there is a race to claim credit when some things have started to go right. The International Monetary Fund points to Korea's recovery -- and more generally to the fact that the sky didn't fall after all -- as proof that its policy recommendations were right. Never mind that other IMF clients have done far worse, and that the economy of Malaysia- which refused IMF help, and horrified respectable opinion by imposing capital controls -- also seems to be on the mend. Malaysia's Prime Minister, by contrast, claims full credit for any good news -- even though neighbouring economies also seem to have bottomed out.
The truth is that an observer without any ax to grind would probably conclude that none of the policies adopted either on or in defiance Of the IMF's advice made much difference either way. Budget policies, interest rate policies, banking reform. -- whatever countries tried, just about all the capital that could flee, did. And when there was no more money to run, the natural recuperative powers of the economies finally began to prevail. At best, the money doctors who purported to offer cures provided a helpful bedside manner; at worst, they were like medieval physicians who. prescribed bleeding as a remedy for all ills.
Will the patients stage a full recovery? It depends on exactly what you mean by "full". South Korea's industrial production is already above its pre-crisis level; but in the spring of 1997 anyone who had predicted zero growth in Korean industry over the next two years would have been regarded as a reckless doomsayer. So if by recovery you mean not just a return to growth, but one that brings the region's performance back to something like what people used to regard as the Asian norm, they have a long way to go.
"Pundits" in the first paragraph is closest in meaning to

A. economists.
B. bankers.
C. industrialists.
D. financiers.

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听力原文: Italy, a major producer of land mines, has joined the campaign to ban the weapons which kill and maim many thousands of people every year. The Chamber of Deputies, the Lower House of Parliament, voted 402 to 2 with 4 abstentions to ratify a 1980 convention that will commit Italy to drastically limit the use of land mines and help to clear mined areas. Parliament also pledged Italy's support for efforts led by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, the International Red Cross and the Swedish government to promote a total international ban on the production and export of the mines. The Italian Parliament acted at the request of Defence Minister.
According to the news, the Italian Parliament was asked to act by

A. the U.N.
B. the Red Cross.
C. the Defence Minister.
D. the Swedish Government.

听力原文: US lawmakers have criticized the recent US-North Korean deal calling for freezing Pyongyang's nuclear programme in return for US diplomatic and economic concessions. They expressed concern that the North may take the concessions and break the accord. Other lawmakers noted that inspection of Pyongyang's nuclear site is not required for at least five years. The US chief negotiator defended the accord, saying he had made no compromises that would damage US national security.
Which of the following statements is CORRECT? US lawmakers

A. challenged the accord for freezing Pyongyang's nuclear programme.
B. required the inspection of Pyongyang's nuclear site for at least five years.
C. were worried that North Korea may take advantage of the concessions.
D. blamed the US negotiator for making no compromises with-North Korea.

According to the news, American troops in Panama

A. were attacked at refugee camps.
B. were angry at delays in departure.
C. attacked Cuban refugee camps last week.
D. will be increased to 2,000.

One argument used to support the idea that employment will continue to be the dominant form. of work, and that employment will eventually become available for all who want it, is that working time will continue to fall. People in jobs will work fewer hours in the day, fewer days in the week, fewer weeks in the year, and fewer years in a lifetime, than they do now. This will mean that more jobs will be available for more people. This, it is said, is the way we should set about restoring full employment.
There is no doubt that something of this kind will happen. The shorter working week, longer holidays, earlier retirement, job-sharing -- these and other ways of reducing the amount of time people spend on their jobs -- are certainly likely to spread. A mix of part-time paid work and part-time unpaid work is likely to become a much more common work pattern than today, and a flexi-life pattern of work -- involving paid employment at certain stages of life, but not at others -- will become widespread. But it is surely unrealistic to assume that this will make it possible to restore full employment as the dominant form. of work.
In the first place, so long as employment remains the overwhelmingly important form. of work and source of income for most people that it is today, it is very difficult to see how reductions in employees' working time can take place on a scale sufficiently large and at a pace sufficiently fast to make it possible to share out the available paid employment to everyone who wants it. Such negotiations as there have recently been, for example in Britain and Germany, about the possibility of introducing a 35-hour working week, have highlighted some of the difficulties. But, secondly, if changes of this kind were to take place at a pace and on a scale sufficient to make it possible to share employment among all who wanted it, the resulting situation --in which most people would not be working in their jobs for more than two or three short days a week -- could hardly continue to be one in which employment was still regarded as the only truly valid form. of work. There would be so many people spending so much of their time on other activities, including other forms of useful work, that the primacy of employment would be bound to be called into question, at least to some extent.
The author uses the negotiations in Britain and Germany as an example to

A. support reductions in employees' working time.
B. indicate employees are unwilling to share jobs.
C. prove the possibility of sharing paid employment.
D. show that employment will lose its dominance.

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