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从本质上说，回购协议是一种以证券为抵押品的抵押贷款。 ()
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WHITE people tend to be nervous of raising the subject of race and education, but are often voluble on the issue if a black person brings it up. So when Trevor Phillips, chairman of Britain's Commission for Racial Equality, said that there was a particular problem with black boys' performance at school, and that it might be a good idea to educate them apart from other pupils, there was a torrent of comment. Some of it commended his proposal, and some criticised it, but none of it questioned its premise. Everybody accepts that black boys are a problem.
On the face of it, it looks as though Mr Phillips is right. Only 27% of Afro-Caribbean boys get five A-C grades at GCSE, the exams taken by 16-year-olds, compared with 47% of boys as a whole and 44% of Afro-Caribbean girls. Since, in some subjects, candidates who score less than 50% get Cs, those who don't reach this threshold have picked up pretty little at school.
Mr Phillips's suggestion that black boys should be taught separately implies that ethnicity and gender explain their underachievement. Certainly, maleness seems to be a disadvantage at school. That's true for all ethnic groups: 57% of girls as a whole get five A-Cs, compared with 47% of boys. But it's not so clear that blackness is at the root of the problem.
Among children as a whole, Afro-Caribbeans do indeed perform. badly. But Afro-Caribbeans tend to be poor. So to get a better idea of whether race, rather than poverty, is the problem, one must control for economic status. The only way to do that, given the limits of British educational statistics, is to separate out the exam results of children who get free school meals: only the poor get free grub.
Poor children's results tell a rather different story. Afro-Caribbeans still do remarkably badly, but whites are at the bottom of the pile. All ethnic minority groups do better than them. Even Bangladeshis, a pretty deprived lot, do twice as well as the natives in their exams; Indians and Chinese do better still. And absolute numbers of underperforming whites dwarf those of underperforming Afro-Caribbeans: last year, 131,393 of white boys failed to hit the government's benchmark, compared with 3,151 Afro-Caribbean boys.
These figures suggest that, at school at least, black people's problem is not so much race as poverty. And they undermine the idea of teaching black boys separately, for if poor whites are doing worse than poor blacks, there's not much argument for singling out blacks for special measures: whites need help just as badly.
This isn't, however, a message that anybody much wants to hear. Many white people find the idea that there's something fundamentally wrong with black people comforting: it confirms deeply held prejudices and reassures them that a whole complex of social problems-starting with underachievement in schools, but leading on to unemployment, drug addiction and crime—is nothing to do with them.
The race-relations industry also has an interest in explaining educational underachievement in terms of ethnicity. A whole raft of committees, commissions and task forces has been set up on the assumption that racial differences are a fundamental cause of social problems. If that's wrong, then all those worthies might as well pack up and go home.
Trying to explain educational underachievement away as a racial issue may be comforting and convenient, but it is also dangerous, for it distracts attention from the real problem—that the school system fails the poor. That's not a black problem or a white problem: it's a British problem.
The article can be classified as ______.
要注意运用封闭性问题，从而确信自己正确地理解对方的发盘。()
The strong efforts to gain equality for women in the scientific workplace began to show results in the last quarter of the twentieth century; women have secured positions as research scientists and won recognition and promotion within their fields. Though the modern struggle for equality in scientific fields is the same in many ways as it was in the early part of the century, it is also different. The women who first began undertaking careers in science had little support from any part of the society in which they lived. This vanguard had to struggle alone against the social conditioning they had received as women members of that society and against the male-dominated scientific community.
Women scientific researchers made a seemingly auspicious beginning. In the first quarter of the twentieth century, some women scientists who engaged in research worked at the most prestigious institutes of the period and enjoyed more career mobility than women researchers would experience again for several decades. Florence Sabin, an anatomist at the Rockefeller Institute of Medical Research noted for her research on the lymphatic system, is one important example. This encouraging beginning, however, was not to be followed by other successes for many decades. To have maintained an active role in research institutions, women would have had to share some of the decision-making power: they needed to be part of hiring, promotion, and funding decisions. Unfortunately, these early women scientists were excluded from the power structure of scientific research. As a result, they found it almost impossible to provide opportunities for a younger set of female colleagues seeking employment in a research setting, to foster their productivity and facilitate their career mobility, and eventually to allow them access to the top ranks.
Even those with very high professional aspirations accepted subordinate status as assistants if doing so seemed necessary to gain access to research positions—and too often these were the only positions offered them in their chosen careers. Time and again they pulled back from offering any real resistance or challenge to the organizational structure that barred their advancement. But we must remember that these women scientists were few in number, their participation in decision, making positions was virtually nil, and their political clout was minimal. Thus they could easily become highly visible targets for elimination from the staff, especially if their behavior. was judged in the least imprudent.
Women's awareness that they were unequal colleagues, included in professional settings only on the sufferance of male colleagues, who held the positions of power, conflicted with their belief in meritocracy. They wanted to believe that achieving persons would be welcomed for their abilities and contributions. Yet they were surrounded by evidence to the contrary. An assistant professor of zoology observed that the men who were heads of departments were insistent on having other men in the department, they told her that women ought to be satisfied teaching high school. She relates that, during her ten years in the department, men were given at least six positions that she was qualified for and wanted desperately, but for which she was not even considered because she was a woman.
The primary purpose of the passage is to ______.
A．Torrential rains and mudslides led to heavy casualties.B．Storm Olga caused a failure
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