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Suppose you go into a fruiter's shop, wanting an apple—you take up one, and on biting it you find it is sour; you look at it, and see that it is hard and green. You take up another one, and that, too, is hard, green, and sour. The shopman offers you a third; but before biting it, you examine it, and you find that it is hard and green, and you immediately say that you will not have it, as it must be sour, like those that you have already tried.
Nothing can be simpler than that, you think; but if you will take the trouble to analyze and trace out into its logical elements what has been done by the mind, you will be greatly surprised. In the first place you have performed that operation of induction. You find that, in two experiences, hardness and greenness in apples went together with sourness. It was so in the first case, and it was confirmed by the second. True, it is a very small basis, but still it is enough from which to make the induction; you generalize the facts, and you expect to find sourness in apples where you get hardness and greenness. You found upon that a general law, that all hard and green apples are sour; and that, so far as it goes, is a perfect induction. Well, having got your natural law in this way, when you are offered another apple which you find is hard and green, you say, "All hard and green apples are sour; this apple is hard and green;therefore, this apple is sour." That train of reasoning is what logicians call a syllogism, and has all its various parts and terms--its major premises, its minor premises, and its conclusion. And, by the help of further reasoning, which, if drawn out, would have to be exhibited in two or three other syllogisms, you arrive at your final determination. "I will not have that apple." So that, you see, you have, in the first place, established a law by induction, and reasoned out the special particular case.
Well now, suppose, having got your conclusion of the law, that at sometime afterwards, you are discussing the qualities of apple with a friend; you will say to him, "It is a very curious thing, but I find that all hard and green apples are sour!" Your friend says to you, "But how do you know that?" You at once reply, "Oh, because I have tried them over and over again, and have always found them to be so." Well, if we were talking science instead of common sense, we should call that an experimental verification. And, if still opposed, you go further, and say, "I have heard from people in Somersetshire and Devonshire, where a large number of apples are grown, and in London, where many apples are sold and eaten, that they have observed the same thing. It is also found to be the case in Normandy, and in North America. In short, I find the universal experience of man- kind wherever attention had been directed to the subject." Whereon your friend, unless he is a very unreasonable man, agrees with you, and is convinced that you are quite right in the conclusion you have drawn. He believes, although perhaps he does not know he believes it, that the more extensive verifications have been made, the more results of the same kind are arrived at--that the more varied the conditions under which the same re- suits are attained, the more certain is the ultimate conclusion, and he disputes the question no further. He sees that the experiment has been tried under all sorts of conditions, as to time, place, and people, with the same result; and he says to you, therefore, that the law you have laid down must be a good one, and he must believe it. (654)
The writer is probably _______.

A. French
B. English
C. American
D. Italian

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Does money buy happiness? It's sometimes said that scientists have found no relationship between money and happiness, but that's myth, says University of Illinois psychologist Ed Diener.
The connection is complex. In fact, very rich people rate substantially higher in satisfaction with life than very poor people do, even within wealthy nations, he says. "There is overwhelming evidence that money buys happiness," said economist Andrew Oswald of University of Warwick in England. The main debate, he said, is how strong the effect is.
Oswald recently reported a study of Britons who won between $ 2,000 and $ 250,000 in a lottery (彩票拍奖). As a group, they showed a boost in happiness averaging a bit more than one point on a 36-point scale when surveyed two years after their win, compared to their levels two years before they won.
Daniel Kahnman, a Nobel-Prize winner and Princeton economist, and colleagues, recently declared that the notion that making a lot of money will produce good overall mood is "mostly illusory". They noted that in one study, members of the high-income group were almost twice as likely to call themselves "very happy" as people from households with incomes below $ 20,000. But other studies, rather than asking for a summary estimate of happiness, follow people through the day and repeatedly record their feeling. These studies show less effect of income on happiness. Kahneman and colleagues said.
There is still another twist to the money-happiness story. Even though people who make$150,000 are considerably happier than those who make $ 40,000, It's not clear why, says psychologist Richard E. Lucas of Michigan State University.
Researchers conclude that any effect of money on happiness is smaller than most daydreamers assume. "People exaggerate how much happiness is bought by an extra few thousand," Oswald said. "The quality of relationships has a far bigger effect than quite large rises in salary. It's much better advice, if you're looking for happiness in life, try to find the right husband or wife than to try to double your salary."
The main purpose of this passage is to discuss ______

A. the contributions of household incomes to happiness
B. the complex relationship between money and happiness
C. the positive relationship between money and happiness
D. the negative relations of money to happiness

The intellect is usually defined as a separate faculty in human beings--the ability to think about facts and ideas and to put them in order. The intellect is usually contrasted with the emotions, which are thought to distort facts and ideas, or contrasted with the imagination, which departs from facts.
As a result, it is often assumed that intellectuals are people who think, who have the facts and the ideas, and that the rest of society is composed of nonintellectual and anti-intellectuals who don't. This is of course not the case, and it is possible to be an intellectual and not be intelligent, and to be a nonintellectual and think very well. It is also assumed that there are basic differences between science and art, between scientists and artists; it is assumed that scientists are rational, objective, abstract, concerned with the intellect and with reducing everything to a formula, and that artists, on the other hand, are temperamental, subjective, irrational, and concerned with the expression of the emotions. But we all know temperamental, irrational scientists and abstract, cold-blooded artists. We know, too, that there is a body of knowledge in art. There are as many facts and ideas in art as there are in any other field, and there are as many kinds of art as there are ideas--abstract or concrete, classical, romantic, organized, unorganized, expressionist, surrealist, intuitive, intellectual, sublime, ridiculous, boring, exciting, and dozens of others. The trouble lies in thinking about art the way most people think about the intellect. It is not what they think it is.
This would not be quite so serious a matter if it were not taken so seriously, especially by educators and those who urge their views upon educators--that is, I suppose, the rest of mankind. If thinking is an activity which takes place in a separate faculty of the intellect, and if the aim of education is to teach people to think, it is therefore natural to assume that education should train the intellect through the academic disciplines. These disciplines are considered to be the subject matter for intellectual training, and they consist of facts and ideas from the major fields of human knowledge, organized in such a way that the intellect can deal with them. That is to say, they are organized in abstract, conceptual, logical terms. It is assumed that learning to think is a matter of learning to recognize and understand these concepts. Educational programs in school and college are therefore arranged with this idea in mind, and when demands for the improvement of education are made, they usually consist of demands for more academic materials to be covered and more academic discipline of this kind to be imposed. It is a call for more organization, not for more learning.
One of the most unfortunate results of this misunderstanding of the nature of the intellect is that the practice of the arts and the creative arts themselves are too often excluded from the regular curriculum of school and college or given such a minor role in the educational process that they are unable to make the intellectual contribution of which they are supremely capable. (529)
The three faculties in human beings mentioned are _______.

A. intellect, emotions, imagination
B. intellect, ideas, facts
C. thinking, abilities, emotions
D. thinking, distorting, departing

【C15】

A. neglected by
B. the hallmark of
C. refuted by
D. shunned by

SECTION B INTERVIEW
Directions: In this section you will hear everything ONCE ONLY. Listen carefully and then answer the questions that follow. Questions 1 to 5 are based on an interview. At the end of the interview you will be given 10 seconds to answer each of the following five questions.
Now listen to the interview.
听力原文:JM: I first encountered Parker Rossman's work in the early 1990s via his groundbreaking book, The Emerging Worldwide Electronic University: Information Age Global Higher Education (Rossman,1992). When I saw that his current project is a freely accessible online book-in-progress on the future of lifelong and higher education, I asked if he would allow Technology Source readers to learn about and participate in the project. He graciously consented to this interview.
Parker, I note on your Web site that you have three book-length volumes concerning the future of higher education: Volume I, The Future of Higher (Lifelong) Education and Virtual Space; Volume Ⅱ, Research On Global Crises, Still Primitive; and Volume III, Future Learning and Teaching.
What struck me in particular was your note asking readers to contact you if they saw errors, or if they could contribute Web site URLs or in terms of information that were pertinent to the material. As these notes indicate, you clearly regard this to be a work in progress. Certainly this is a great way to develop the manuscripts relatively quickly. What do you expect to accomplish via this technique?
PR: My objectives are to examine the ways in which a global virtual education system can come into existence and to raise questions about needed research on learning, teaching, and overcoming the problems (such as hunger, bad health, war, and revolution) that stand in the way of providing education for everyone in the world. I realize that education for all is impossible, but perhaps only in the sense that the United States, out of necessity, accomplished what was "impossible" after the attack on Pearl Harbor. I assume that H. G. Wells was right when he said that civilization is in a race between education and disaster. So I am willing to be audacious--as someone retired and with no axe to grind--and to initiate a project that might at least stimulate thought and discussion.
For 30 years or more I have been studying the university, higher education, and academia in the developing world. In the 1980s I began to see the emergence and potential of a global virtual university; this insight culminated in a book that was widely read and used and that led to my being invited to lecture in various countries. The next year Praeger published it as a paperback in their Contributions to the Study of Education series, Developing world delegates to the 1997 UNESCO conference on higher education in Paris complained that it was too expensive for them. So I said that I would put a sequel online, free to anyone in the world. I asked that, in return, they send me feedback and suggested links. And I have now accomplished this.
JM: Doesn't your online manuscript. deal with far more than higher education? Your classification is a bit confusing to me, because each volume looks like a book. Why not say that you have three books on the Web?
PR: It must be one book if it is to be holistic. It should introduce all of the needs and problems that must be dealt with at once as we enter a time of lifelong education. "Education for all" must include programs for prekindergarten children, for primary and secondary school age learners, and for college students. It also must include continuing educational programs that foster job skills, career planning, and hobbies as well as special interest programs for senior citizens. Instead of talking about a "global university", the time has come to explore possibilities for a global virtual education system.
JM: Then why do you keep speaking of the "future of the university"?
PR: It is also my assu

A. They focus on the future of education.
B. They mainly talk about education for all.
C. They require participation of readers.
D. They should be treated as one book.

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