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听力原文： Despite its enormous size the Airbus A380 still manages to look graceful. The double-decker plane that can carry over 550 passengers dwarfs all other commercial aircraft. Later today one will land for the first time in the UK. Wings are produced here in North Wales and traveled by land, river and sea for assembly in France.
Until now the Boeing 747 Jumbo was the world's biggest passenger plane, but no longer. A380 is as high as an 8-storey building, take-off thrust from the plane's four engines equals 2,500 family cars. Without seats, it can contain 10 squash courts. But the European Airbus will soon have an American rival, Boeing's 787 Dream liner, which is smaller, can fly further, and isn't restricted to large airports.
These aircrafts represent extraordinary technological breakthrough, reducing fuel emissions by about 20%, much better conditions inside the aircraft and offering both airlines and passengers much greater flexibility in their long-hauled journeys. A380 may offer shops and a casino or even a gym so that its good-value seats will win the airline battle.
Critics of the new aircraft including environmentalists say it might be more fuel efficient per passenger than other jets, but the benefits we'll get from it are a drop in the ocean compared to the huge climate emissions from aviation. And aviation is the fastest growing source of climate-changing gases both in Britain and worldwide.
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A．It is available in small airports and can fly further.B．It can reduce fuel emissions
We should always have been suspicious. After all, computers have spread quickly because they have become cheaper to buy and easier to use. Falling prices and skill requirements suggest that the digital divide would spontaneously shrink—and so it has.
Now, a new study further discredits the digital divide. The study, by economist David Card of the University of California, Berkeley, challenges the notion that computers have significantly worsened wage inequality. The logic of how this supposedly happens is straightforward: computers raise the demand for high-skilled workers, increasing their wages. Meanwhile, computerization—by automating many routine tasks—reduces the demand for low-skilled workers and, thereby, their wages. The gap between the two widens.
Superficially, wage statistics support the theory. Consider the ratio between workers near the top of the wage distribution and those near the bottom. Computerization increased; so did the wage gap.
But wait, point out Card and DiNardo. The trouble with blaming computers is that the worsening of inequality occurred primarily in the early 1980s. With computer use growing, the wage gap should have continued to expand, if it was being driven by a shifting demand for skills. Indeed, Card and DiNardo find much detailed evidence that contradicts the theory. They conclude that computerization does not explain "the rise in U.S. wage inequality in the last quarter of the 20th century".
The popular perception of computers' impact on wages is hugely overblown. Lots of other influences count for as much, or more. The worsening of wage inequality in the early 1980s, for example, almost certainly reflected the deep 1981—1982 recession and the fall of inflation. Companies found it harder to raise prices. To survive, they concluded that they had to hold down the wages of their least skilled, least mobile and youngest workers.
The "digital divide" suggested a simple solution (computers) for a complex problem (poverty). With more computer access, the poor could escape their lot. But computers never were the source of anyone's poverty and, as for escaping, what people do for themselves matters more than what technology can do for them.
It is generally believed that the digital divide is something
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