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Provident says that the typical interest rate is closer to 50% and that it charges no fees for late payments or breaching credit limits. Still, that is triple the rate on regular credit cards and far above the 30% charged by store cards. And the Vanquis card is being launched just when Britain's politicians and media are full of worry about soaring consumer debt. Last month, a man took his own life after running up debts of £130,000 on 22 different credit cards.
Credit cards for "sub-prime" borrowers, as the industry delicately calls those with poor credit records, are new in Britain but have been common in America for a while. Lenders began issuing them when the prime market became saturated, prompting them to look for new sources of profit. Even in America, the sub-prime market has plenty of room for growth. David Robertson of the Nilson Report, a trade magazine, reckons that outstanding sub-prime credit-card debt accounts for only 3% of the $597 billion that Americans owe on plastic. The sub-prime sector grew by 7.9% last year, compared with only 2.6% for the industry as a whole.
You might wonder, though, how companies can make money from lending to customers they know to be bad risks—or at any rate, how they can do it legitimately. Whereas delinquencies in the credit-card industry as a whole are around 4%—5%, those in the sub-prime market are almost twice as high, and can reach 15% in hard times.
Obviously, issuers charge higher interest rates to compensate them for the higher risk of not being repaid. And all across the credit-card industry, the assessment and pricing of risks has been getting more and more refined, thanks largely to advances in technology and data processing. Companies also use sophisticated computer programs to track slower payment or other signs of increased risk. Sub-prime issuers pay as much attention to collecting debt as to managing risk; they impose extra charges, such as application fees; and they cap their potential losses by lending only small amounts ($500 is a typical credit limit).
All this is easier to describe than to do, especially when the economy slows. After the bursting of the technology bubble in 2000, several sub-prime credit-card providers failed. Now there are only around 100, of which nine issue credit cards. Survivors such as Metris and Providian, two of the bigger sub-prime card companies, have become choosier about their customers' credit histories.
As the economy recovered, so did lenders' fortunes. Fitch, a rating agency, says that the proportion of sub-prime credit-card borrowers who are more than 60 days in arrears(a good predictor of eventual default) is the lowest since November 2001. But with American interest rates rising again, some worry about another squeeze. As Fitch's Michael Dean points out, sub-prime borrowers tend to have not just higher-rate credit cards, but dearer auto loans and variable-rate mortgages as well. That makes a risky business even riskier.
Sir Joshua Waddilove is mentioned in the first paragraph to

A. illustrate the history of credit card companies.
B. introduce the issuing of a new credit card.
C. show how working class families got affordable loans.
D. build up consumers' trust in Provident Financial.

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It can be inferred from the passage that

A. the "code of silence" often helps protect guards from violence.
B. the governor's office has decided to give a new life to the prisons.
C. the solution to overpopulation in prisons lies in softening sentences.
D. the prison population calls for more prison-building programs.

According to the passage, California has the highest rate of returning prisoners because

A. the prisons in California are too crowded.
B. the prisons failed to rehabilitate the prisoners.
C. the prisoners can sleep in the gymnasiums and classrooms.
D. the prisoners are released after only three years of imprisonment.

Arnold Schwarzenegger calls for a legislation session because

A. he wants to raise more money to enhance prison facilities.
B. he believes public money should be responsible for prison construction.
C. he realizes the problem with prisons is a lack of investment.
D. he plans to win a second term for his governorship.

Part A
Directions: Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. (40 points)
Earlier this summer Arnold Schwarzenegger, California's governor, said that the state's penal system was "falling apart in front of our very eyes". Indeed so. Some 172,000 inmates are crowded into institutions—from the state's 33 prisons to its 12 "community correctional facilities"—that are meant to house fewer than 90,000. Drug abuse is rampant; so too are diseases such as HIV and hepatitis C. Race-based gangs pose the constant threat of violence, riot and even murder. And with more than 16,000 prisoners sleeping in prison gymnasiums and classrooms, rehabilitation programs are virtually non-existent—which helps to explain why two-thirds of California's convicts, the highest rate in the country, are back in prison within three years of being released.
Will the governor's summons of a special session of the state legislature, beginning this week, bring a remedy? The reason for the session is to discuss Mr. Schwarzenegger's request for almost $5.8 billion of public money to be pumped into the prison system. Bonds for $2 billion would finance ten 500-bed "re-entry facilities" for prisoners nearing the end of their sentences; another $2 billion would expand existing prisons; $1.2 billion would be earmarked for two new prisons; and $500m would go for new prison hospitals.
Money alone will provide neither an immediate solution nor a lasting one. The first problem is that California simply puts too many offenders in prison. The imprisonment rate, which has risen almost eight-fold since 1970 and is way ahead of any European country, has consistently meant overcrowding despite the construction of 22 new prisons in the past 20 years.
The 1994 "three-strikes" law, approved by voters in a referendum, means handing out 25-years-to-life sentences for often trivial third offences--and results in the growing presence in prison of elderly inmates who cost the taxpayer far more than the average of $34,000 a prisoner. Meanwhile, the practice of returning parole violators to prison, even for relatively trivial missteps such as missing a drugs test, also strains the system; some 11% of inmates are parole violators. Added to all these are more than 5,000 illegal immigrants being held on behalf of the federal government.
The second problem is that any attempt to reform. California's penal policy becomes hostage to politics. Two years ago, the governor was expressing optimism. He added the word "rehabilitation" to California's department of corrections, appointed Rod Hickman, a reform-minded former prison guard, to oversee the system and promised to lessen the power of the 31,000-strong prison guards' union, not least by breaking the "code of silence" that protects corrupt or violent guards. But that was then. The reality now is that Mr. Hickman resigned in March. Evidence indicates that the governor's office may have given the code of silence in California's prisons a new lease on life.
Many experts say that with no moderation in sentencing policies on the horizon, the prison population is expected to grow by another 21,000 over the next five years—enough to outpace any prison-building program. Thus, the dream of prison reforms will never touch the ground.
By quoting governor Schwarzenegger's remark, the author intends to

A. emphasize the fact that Schwarzenegger is still in his office.
B. show the fact that drug abuse is rampant in prisons.
C. point out that California has the highest convict rate in the US.
D. introduce the topic of overcrowding problem in California prisons.

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