题目内容
Section A
Directions: In this section, you will hear 8 short conversations and 2 long conversations. At the end of each conversation, one or more questions will be asked about what was said. Both the conversation and the questions will be spoken only once. After each question there will be a pause. During the pause, you must read the four choices marked A, B, C and D, and decide which is the best answer.
听力原文：W: Professor Johnson helps me so much that I'm thinking of buying him a book of poetry.
M: I think you should get him a record, just because being an English teacher doesn't mean all he does is reading.
Q: What does the man mean？
(12)
查看答案
搜索结果不匹配？点我反馈
更多问题
Suggestions for Your Work
Annie is a longtime secretary/receptionist for two senior vice presidents at a big company. They have been doing a lot of hiring lately, and almost all of the new middle-management personnel have been interviewed by one or the other of Annie's two bosses, so naturally they come through her office first.
Some of these people are unbelievably rude. Either they treat Annie like a piece of furniture (no hello, no eye contact) or they think she is their errand (差使) girl. Lately, Annie's two bosses have started asking her for her impressions of job candidates. So far this week, two have been discourteous (失礼的) and dismissive, so Annie gave both the thumbs-down. Neither is getting called back for the next round of interviews.
No one knows how common this is, but if you are job hunting, it's necessary to be aware that the dummy at the reception desk may be anything but not "just a secretary".
Suggestions to Job Hunters
According to Annie Stevens and Greg Gostanian, two partners at a Boston-based executive coaching firm called Clear Rock, it's not unusual these days for a hiring manager to ask everyone who meets a potential new hire to give an opinion of him or her. "One of the biggest reasons so many newly recruited managers fail in a new job is their inability to fit in and get along with the people who are already there," says Stevens. "So employers now want to get staffers' impressions right at the start."
Adds Gostanian: "A lot can be learned from how candidates treat receptionists. If the jobseeker is rude, condescending, or arrogant, this might be an indication of how he or she would treat cow0rkers or direct reports."
Obviously, anyone looking for a new job would do well not to alienate the person who sits outside the interviewer's door. Stevens and Gostanian offer these six tips for getting off to the right start:
- Introduce yourself as you would to any other potential new colleague. Smile, shake hands, and so on. It seems odd that this has to be spelled out, but apparently it does; and, besides being a matter of common courtesy, ordinary friendliness offers a practical advantage. "Learning and remembering an interviewer's receptionist's name can only help as you advance in the interviewing process," Stevens notes.
- Don't regard a receptionist or other assistant as an underling (部下)—at least, not as your own personal underling. "Always ask the interviewer if you need help from anyone else in the office where you're interviewing, instead of seeking this directly yourself," says Gostanian. In other words, if you'd like to leave an extra copy of you' resume, refrain from sending the interviewer's assistant to the Xerox machine.
- It's fine to accept if you're offered a beverage, but keep it simple. "Don't ask for particular brand names or expect to be brewed a fresh pot of coffee," Stevens says. And of course, need we add that dispatching anybody to Starbucks is out of the question？
- Feel free to make small talk, but know that anything you say may well get back to the interviewer. "Don't ask probing questions about the company or offer unsolicited opinions," Gostanian advises. No matter how hideous the office door, endless the hike from the parking lot, or inconvenient the wait to see the interviewer, keep it to yourself. Plenty of time for whining (抱怨) and grumbling alter you're hired.
- Don't talk on your cell phone in front of the receptionist, and try to put your BlackBerry aside. "If you have to make or take a call, leave the reception area," Stevens says. Preoccupation with wireless devices will mark you, she says, as "a cold and fixated person".
- Don't forget to say good-bye. "Failure to say good-bye to someone you've just met reflects negatively on you," Gostanian notes. "You'll come across as impersonal and uncaring." That's hardly the
Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen' s (1994 ) qualitative study of working people' s diaries, ,se assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated.
Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor-intensive chores. July tended to be haying season tbr farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day.
Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell' s diary (9 July, 1825 ) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Carr' s for Oxen." (See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data. ) We therefore created the following coding protocol.
We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend (which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another' s home, or interaction at a public place.
What is the si
If income is transferred from rich persons to poor persons the proportion in which different sorts of goods and services are provided will be changed. Expensive luxuries will give place to more necessary articles, rare wines to meat and bread, new machines and factories to clothes and improved small dwellings; and there will be other changes of a like sort. In view of this fact, it is inexact to speak of a change in the distribution of the dividend in favor of, or adverse to, the poor. There is not a single definitely constituted heap of things coming into being each year and distributed now in one way, now in another. In fact, there is no such thing as the dividend from the point of view of both of two years, and therefore, there can be no such thing as a change in its distribution.
This, however, is a point of words rather than of substance. What I mean when I say that the distribution of the dividend has changed in favor of the poor is that, the general productive power of the community being given, poor people are getting more of the things they want at the expense of rich people getting less of the things they want. It might be thought at first sight that the only way in which this could happen would be through a transference of purchasing power from the rich to the poor. That, however, is not so. It is possible for the poor to be advantaged and the rich damaged, even though the quantity of purchasing power, i.e. of command over productive resources, held by both groups remains unaltered. This might happen if the technical methods of producing something predominatingly consumed by the poor were improved and at the same time those of producing something predominatingly consumed by the rich were worsened, and if the net result was to leave the size of the national dividend as defined in Chapter V. unchanged. It might also happen if, by a system of rationing or some other device, the rich were forced to transfer their demand away from things which are important to the poor and which are produced under such conditions that diminished demand leads to lowered prices. Per contra and this point will be seen in Part IV. To be very important practically—the share, both proportionate and absolute of command over the country' s productive resources held by the poor may be increased, and yet, if the process by which they acquire this greater share involves an increase in the cost of things that play a large part in their own consumption, they may not really gain. Thus a change in distribution favorable to the poor may be brought about otherwise than by a transference of purchasing power, or command over productive resources, to them, and it does not mean a transference of these things to them. None the less, this sort of transference is the most important, and may be regarded as the typical, means by which changes in distribution favorable to the poor come about.
The method in which the writer believes is most effective for the poor benefiting from the rich is ______ .
A law usually has two important features, in the first place, it specifies behavior. The behavior. is usually not described topographically but rather in terms of its effect upon others—the effect that is the object of governmental control. When we are told, for example, that an individual has "committed perjury," we are not told what he has actually said. "Robbery" and "assault" do not refer to specific forms of response. Only properties of behavior. which are aversive to others are mentioned— in perjury the lack of a customary correspondence between a verbal response and certain factual circumstances, in robbery the removal of positive reinforces, and in assault the aversive character of physical injury. In the second place, a law specifies or implies a consequence, usually punishment. A law is thus a statement of a contingency of reinforcement maintained by a governmental agency. The contingency may have prevailed as a controlling practice prior to its codification as a law, or it may represent a new practice which goes into effect with the passage of the law. Laws are thus both descriptions of past practices and assurances of similar practices in the future. A law is a rule of conduct in the sense that it specifies the consequences of certain actions which in turn "rule" behavior.
The effect of a law upon the controlling agency. The government of a large group requires an elaborate organization, the practices of which may be made more consistent and effective by codification. How codes of law affect governmental agents is the principal subject of jurisprudence. The behavioral processes are complex, although presumably not novel. In order to maintain or "enforce" contingencies of governmental control, an agency must establish the fact that an individual has behaved illegally and must interpret a code to determine the punishment. It must then carry out the punishment. These labors are usually divided among special subdivisions of the agency. The advantages gained when the individual is "not under man but under law" have usually been obvious, and the great codifiers of law occupy places of honor in the history of civilization. Codification does not, however, change the essential nature of governmental action nor remedy all its defects.
In the development of a government agency, ______ .
微信支付 
支付宝支付