题目内容
现年29岁的罗先生在某外资企业担任部门主管，每月税前收入为11000元。罗先生的妻子刘女士今年27岁，在一所著名私立中学担任英语教师，每月税前收入为7500元。罗先生夫妇于2004年12月31日购买了一套总价75万元的住房，贷款总额为50万元，贷款利率5.5%，15年还清，他们采取的是等额本金还款方式，目前该房产现值为80万元。罗先生目前在银行的存款还有5万元，其中包括银行利息约600元(税后)。罗先生对投资股票不感兴趣，目前名下有国债3万元(含去年实际收到的700元收益)，债券基金5万元(含去年实际收到1500元的收益)。罗先生3年前就接受了保险理财规划师的建议而大量投保，目前保单现金价值为9万元(即个人账户余额)，去年收到保险分红2500元。为应付日常开支，罗先生家里常备有2000元的现金。除每月需要偿还的房贷以外，罗先生一家每年保险支出为23000元，每月生活开支保持在3000元左右。去年，罗先生一家除为母亲治病花销8000元外，并无其他大额支出。罗先生夫妇预备两年后(2008年)生育后代，考虑到子女教育是一项庞大支出，罗先生决定从现在开始就采取定期定额的方式为孩子储备教育金。注：各项财务信息截至2005年12月31日，数据采集时间为2006年1月10日。
罗先生家庭的资产负债表中“现金与现金等价物”一栏的数值应为（）。
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接上题，提前偿还部分贷款使郑女士的总利息支出减少（）。
胡先生第一顺序继承人中不包括（）。
It's never easy for a mighty military to tread lightly on foreign soil. In the case of American forces in South Korea, protectors of the nation's sovereignty since the Korean War, the job is made doubly difficult by local sensitivities arising from a history of foreign domination. So when a few GIs commit particularly brutal crimes against the local populace, it's easy for some South Koreans to ask: Who will guard us from our guardians？
That kind of questioning grew more insistent on January 20, when police found the body of a 30year-old Korean woman, Kang Un-gyong, in the apartment she shared with her American. boyfriend. An autopsy showed Kang, who had bruises over most of her face and chest, died after being hit on the back of her head with a blunt object. Her boyfriend, Henry Kevin McKinley, 36, an electrician at the United States military base in Seoul, admitted heating her. McKinley said he pushed Kang, who then struck her head on a radiator, but denied that he tried to murder her.
On January 21 McKinley was arrested on charges similar to involuntary manslaughter under Korean law. As a civilian employee of the U.S. military in Korea, he comes under the purview of the Status-of-Forces agreement between Washington and Seoul. This grants the South Korean government criminal jurisdiction——but not pre-trial custody——over members of American forces in Korea. Because of the gravity of the charges against McKinley, however, the Americans waived their rights to keep him in their custody before trial.
The Kang case was only the latest in a series of crimes involving members of U.S. forces and Koreans. Just a few days earlier, a U.S. army sergeant was sentenced to six months in jail for assaulting a local in a subway brawl last May——even though some reports said it was a Korean who instigated tile fray. The murder also followed two separate incidents in which American soldiers were indicted on charges of attempted rape.
With the spotlight already on the behaviour of American servicemen abroad because of the rape of a 12-year-old girl in Okinawa, allegedly by a group of U.S. soldiers, the Kang murder burst the lid on many Koreans' resentment of the presence of 37,000 American troops in their midst. Official relations between Seoul and Washington remain on an even keel, and most Koreans don't blame the entire U.S. military for the crimes of individual servicemen. But the incidents have played into the hands of those who are questioning the very basis of the American presence in South Korea.
Some observers believe the weds of Koreans' estrangement from the U.S. military were first sown in 1980, when troops under the control of former President Chun Doo Hwan massacred some 200 pro-democracy protesters in the southern city of Kwangju. Many left-wing students——usually at the forefront of anti-government protests——still insist that the U.S. military command acquiesced in the crackdown.
But public alienation against U.S. troops really took off after the brutal 1992 murder of a Korean prostitute by an American soldier. Pictures taken at the time-not released publicly but seen by the REVIEW-showed the dead woman's mouth stuffed with matches and a bottle stuck in her vagina. The man convicted of the murder, Pvt. Kenneth Markle of the U. S. army's 2nd Division, received a life sentence, later reduced to 15 years.
Cultural misunderstandings haven't helped matters any. Many Koreans believe all Gls are mist young men with little education from rural areas of the U.S. "I've been hit and called names by Koreans, but I didn't respond," says a soldier at Camp Humphreys in Pyongtaek. He says the U.S. forces' command "drills it into your head every day: don't fight with a Korean. You can't win."
Other factors are also at play, not least the swelling self-confidence of the younger generation of South Koreans, bolstered by their nation's growing economic and political clout.
Up to a point. In the old days, trampled on by whites, they were made to accept a second-class life of scant privileges as a grim reward for being lighter-skinned than the third-class blacks. Today, they feel trampled on by the black majority. The white-led National Party; which still governs the Western Cape, the province where some 80% of Coloureds live, plays on this fear to good electoral effect. With no apparent irony, the party also appeals to the Coloured sense of common culture with fellow Afrikaans-speaking whites, a link the Nats have spent decades denying.
This curious courtship is again in full swing. A municipal election is to be held in the province on May 29th and the Nats need the Coloured vote if they are to win many local councils.
By most measures, Coloureds are still better-off than blacks. Their jobless rate is high, 21% according to the most recent figures available. But the black rate is 38%. Their average yearly income is still more than twice that of blacks. But politics turns on fears and aspirations. Most Coloureds fret that affirmative action, the promotion of non-whites into government-related jobs, is leaving them behind. Affirmative action is supposed to help Coloureds (and Indians) too. It often does not. They may get left off a shortlist because, for instance, a job requires the applicant to speak a black African language, such as Xhosa.
Some Coloureds think that the only way they will improve their lot is to launch their own, ethnically based, political parties, last year a group formed the Kleurling Weerstandsbeweging, or Coloured Resistance Movement. But in-fighting caused this to crumble: some members wanted it to promote Goloured interests and culture; others to press for an exclusive "homeland".
In fact, the coloureds' sense of collective identity is undefined, largely imposed by apartheid's twisted logic. They are descended from a mix of races, including the Khoi and San (two indigenous African peoples), Malay slaves imported by the Dutch, and white European settlers. And though they do indeed share much with Afrikaners-many belong to the Dutch Reformed Church and many speak Afrikaans-others speak English or are Muslim or worship spirits.
Under apartheid, being Coloured became something to try to escape from. Many tried to pass as white; some succeeded in getting "reclassified". Aspiring to whiteness and fearful of blackness, their identity is hesitant, even defensive. Many Coloureds feel most sure about what they are not: they vigorously resist any attempt to use the term "black" to embrace all nonwhite people. "My people are terrible racists, but not by choice," says Joe Marks, a Coloured member of the Western Cape parliament. "The blacks today have the political power, the whites have economic power. We just have anger."
The apartheid government ______.
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