题目内容

Yet there are also many ways our social statistics underestimate the degree of labor-market-related hardship. The unemployment counts exclude millions of fully employed workers whose wages are so low that their families remain in poverty. Low wages and repeated or prolonged unemployment frequently interact to undermine the capacity for self-support. Since the number experiencing joblessness at some time during the year is several times the number unemployed in any month, those who suffer as a result of forced idleness can equal or exceed average annual unemployment, even though only a minority of the jobless in any month really suffers. For every person counted in the monthly unemployment tallies, there is another part-time working because of the inability to find fulltime work, or else outside the labor force but wanting a job. Finally, income transfers in our country have always focused on the elderly, disabled, and dependent, neglecting the needs of the working poor, so that the dramatic expansion of cash and in kind transfers does not necessarily mean that those failings in the labor market are adequately protected.
As a result of such contradictory evidence, it is uncertain whether those suffering seriously as a result of labor market problems number in the hundreds of thousands or the tens of millions, and hence, whether high levels of joblessness can be tolerated or must be countered by job creation and economic stimulus. There is only one area of agreement in this debate—that the existing poverty, employment, and earnings statistics are inadequate for one of their primary applications, measuring the consequences of labor market problems.
Which of the following does "labor market problems" (Line 1, Para. 1) refer to?

A. Shortage of Jobs providing adequate income.
B. Deficiencies in the training of the work force.
C. Trade relationships among producers of goods.
D. The overall causes of poverty.

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听力原文:M: How many students passed the final physics exam in your class?
W: Forty, but still as many as 20 percent of the class failed. Quite disappointing, isn't it?
Q: What does the woman think of the exam?
(13)

A. It wasn't very well designed.
B. Its results were just as expected.
C. It fully reflected the students' ability.
D. Its results fell short of her expectations.

Section A
Directions: In this section, you will hear 8 short conversations and 2 long conversations. At the end of each conversation, one or more questions will be asked about what was said. Both the conversation and the questions will be spoken only once. After each question there will be a pause. During the pause, you must read the four choices marked A, B, C and D, and decide which is the best answer.
听力原文:W: Professor Johnson helps me so much that I'm thinking of buying him a book of poetry.
M: I think you should get him a record, just because being an English teacher doesn't mean all he does is reading.
Q: What does the man mean?
(12)

A. English teachers usually like reading a lot.
B. The English like to read a lot and listen to music.
C. Not everyone from England likes to read all the time.
D. People who teach English like things other than books.

Suggestions for Your Work
Annie is a longtime secretary/receptionist for two senior vice presidents at a big company. They have been doing a lot of hiring lately, and almost all of the new middle-management personnel have been interviewed by one or the other of Annie's two bosses, so naturally they come through her office first.
Some of these people are unbelievably rude. Either they treat Annie like a piece of furniture (no hello, no eye contact) or they think she is their errand (差使) girl. Lately, Annie's two bosses have started asking her for her impressions of job candidates. So far this week, two have been discourteous (失礼的) and dismissive, so Annie gave both the thumbs-down. Neither is getting called back for the next round of interviews.
No one knows how common this is, but if you are job hunting, it's necessary to be aware that the dummy at the reception desk may be anything but not "just a secretary".
Suggestions to Job Hunters
According to Annie Stevens and Greg Gostanian, two partners at a Boston-based executive coaching firm called Clear Rock, it's not unusual these days for a hiring manager to ask everyone who meets a potential new hire to give an opinion of him or her. "One of the biggest reasons so many newly recruited managers fail in a new job is their inability to fit in and get along with the people who are already there," says Stevens. "So employers now want to get staffers' impressions right at the start."
Adds Gostanian: "A lot can be learned from how candidates treat receptionists. If the jobseeker is rude, condescending, or arrogant, this might be an indication of how he or she would treat cow0rkers or direct reports."
Obviously, anyone looking for a new job would do well not to alienate the person who sits outside the interviewer's door. Stevens and Gostanian offer these six tips for getting off to the right start:
- Introduce yourself as you would to any other potential new colleague. Smile, shake hands, and so on. It seems odd that this has to be spelled out, but apparently it does; and, besides being a matter of common courtesy, ordinary friendliness offers a practical advantage. "Learning and remembering an interviewer's receptionist's name can only help as you advance in the interviewing process," Stevens notes.
- Don't regard a receptionist or other assistant as an underling (部下)—at least, not as your own personal underling. "Always ask the interviewer if you need help from anyone else in the office where you're interviewing, instead of seeking this directly yourself," says Gostanian. In other words, if you'd like to leave an extra copy of you' resume, refrain from sending the interviewer's assistant to the Xerox machine.
- It's fine to accept if you're offered a beverage, but keep it simple. "Don't ask for particular brand names or expect to be brewed a fresh pot of coffee," Stevens says. And of course, need we add that dispatching anybody to Starbucks is out of the question?
- Feel free to make small talk, but know that anything you say may well get back to the interviewer. "Don't ask probing questions about the company or offer unsolicited opinions," Gostanian advises. No matter how hideous the office door, endless the hike from the parking lot, or inconvenient the wait to see the interviewer, keep it to yourself. Plenty of time for whining (抱怨) and grumbling alter you're hired.
- Don't talk on your cell phone in front of the receptionist, and try to put your BlackBerry aside. "If you have to make or take a call, leave the reception area," Stevens says. Preoccupation with wireless devices will mark you, she says, as "a cold and fixated person".
- Don't forget to say good-bye. "Failure to say good-bye to someone you've just met reflects negatively on you," Gostanian notes. "You'll come across as impersonal and uncaring." That's hardly the

A. Y
B. N
C. NG

Building on the base of evidence and interpretation in Hansen' s (1994 ) qualitative study of working people' s diaries, ,se assigned each diarist a set of codes to indicate employment, marital status, number of children, and size of the town in which he or she lived. To analyze the number, location and gender mix of visiting occasions, we coded each day in January and July for every year of the diary, counting the number of named visitors, the visitors' gender, the size of the visiting occasion (1 to 4 people, or 5 and above), the gender mix of those present during the visit, and the location of the visit. While this may seem straightforward at first glance, the variable nature of the diary entries meant that the coding process was not as uncomplicated as we initially anticipated.
Given the number of diarists and the span of diary-keeping years, we faced the possibility of coding over 200,000 diary days. Because of the labor-intensive nature of the coding and the number of entries, we chose to code only 2 months—January and July—of each year a diarist kept a diary. We chose 2 months that could reflect a range of sociability. Severe January weather in New England impeded mobility, but it also freed those who were farmers from most of their labor-intensive chores. July tended to be haying season tbr farmers, which meant some people routinely worked all month in the fields—some alone, some with hired help. Further, the clement July weather meant grater mobility for all of the diary keepers. For some people—those who kept a diary for only a single year—the fact that we coded only 2 months out of each year meant we have only 62 "diary-days" to document their social lives. For others, we have several thousand. Limiting ourselves to January and July for each diary year, we nonetheless coded entries for a total of 24,752 diary days. In an effort to capture an accurate picture of visiting patterns, we coded every day of a given month, even those that had no entry or that mentioned only the weather, as well as those that recorded numerous visiting occasions in one day.
Determining a working definition of what constituted a visit was also an unexpected challenge. For example, although schoolteacher Mary Mudge kept a meticulous record of her visiting "rounds," listing names, places, and conversation topics, other diarists were not as forthcoming. A typical entry in farmer John Campbell' s diary (9 July, 1825 ) was less amenable to our initial coding scheme: "Go to Carr' s for Oxen." (See Hansen and Mcdonald, 1995, for a fuller discussion of the pitfalls of coding diary data. ) We therefore created the following coding protocol.
We defined a visit as any occasion in which the diarist names the presence of individuals not of his or her household, the presence of the non-household member serving to distinguish between a community interaction and a household interaction. We also coded as visits public events at which the diarist was present but others in attendance were not named. The most common among these were records of church attendance. Although an entry "went to church" did not result in a finding of specific male or female visitors, it was a community interaction; thus, these entries were coded as gender-mixed visiting occasions of five or more people in a public place. Because of the variable nature of diary-keeping practices, we were careful to record only what we could confidently infer. Therefore, some entries record visits but no named individuals. Others, such as church attendance (which is generally a large-group event) or a visit to one named friend (which is an intimate affair), allowed us to code the size of the group. Still others, when the location of the visit was specifically mentioned, allowed us to code the diarist as hosting, acting as a guest in another' s home, or interaction at a public place.
What is the si

A. It was the foundation of the research.
B. It was the groundwork for the research.
C. It was the research that was coded.
D. It was the example used for the coding.

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