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主席先生,<br>中国代表团很高兴与其它代表团相聚日内瓦,共同审议信息社会世界峰会的有关筹备事宜。首先,请允许我代表中国代表团衷心祝贺你当选峰会筹备委员会主席。//我希望,在你的领导下,峰会的筹备工作能在本次会议上有一个良好的开端和基础。中国代表团将与你充分合作。在此,我还要感谢东道国瑞士政府以及峰会秘书处为本次会议所做的周到安排<br>主席先生,<br>进入新世纪,经济全球化不断发展,科学技术突飞猛进,为全球经济和社会发展提供了前所未有的物质技术条件。尤其是信息通信技术的发展,深刻地改变着人们的生产方式和生活方式。//信息化为人类提供了难得的数字机遇,同时也给我们带来了各种挑战世界各国都在积极采取措施,大力发展信息通信技术和信息产业,努力推进国家信息化进程。//<br>然而我们看到,世界范围内信息通信技术发展极不平衡,贫富国家享有和制用信息资源和技术的差距不是在缩小,而是在扩大,广大发展中国家处于十分不利的地位,这必然导致南北贫富差距进一步扩大。//如何缩小直至消除数字鸿沟,是建设信息社会过程中亟需解决的重大问题。否则,我们就无法在全球范围内实现信息社会持续、健康和协调发展的目标。//<br>在这种情况下,国际社会决定在2003年和2005年召开信息社会世界峰会,讨论解决有关建设信息社会的问题是正确的、必要的。//<br>(节选自中国代表团团长沙祖康大使在信息社会世界峰会第一次政府间筹备会议上的发言)


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The issue of climate change is now very, very critical indeed. Let me try and explain to you frankly what I see, from the policy-makers point of view, as the two difficulties we've got to overcome and how we overcome them. //<br>The first is that I think there is a clear recognition round the world now that something is happening to our climate—people are experiencing it and feeling it. Nonetheless, the timeframe. over which some of these things are going to impact is certainly beyond any very short-term political cycle, and often stretches significantly into the future. That's one issue. //<br>And the other issue is that there has grown up round the world, a debate, that sometimes I think takes place on a quite false basis but nonetheless is there, that somehow there is a trade-off between economic growth and environmental protection, so that if we improve the protection of our environment, we may inhibit our ability to grow and to enjoy rising living standards. //<br>Now each of these two issues has to be confronted. How do we do that, is the real question. The first is how do we get the world to think long-term about this? We have to continue to build a very strong base of support and agitation for change, not just in the political world but in civic society as well. I think that is enormously important, the pressure on this has got to come on governments from people, not merely on governments from their own internal mechanisms. //<br>We are committed to the Kyoto Protocol. We believe it is essential that we have that implemented. We in our country will abide by our Kyoto targets, but I just want to make one point to you. When I asked for an analysis to be done by David King and his colleagues of what the true scale of the challenge was, we learned that even if we were to implement the Kyoto Protocol, it falls significantly short of what we will need over the next half century if we are to tackle this problem seriously and properly. //<br>So even, and this is a tall order in some ways at the moment, if we succeed in getting support for the Kyoto Protocol, we are still, even having done that, only in the position of having achieved a first step. It will be an important recognition, but it is only a first step and we need to be building a clearer understanding of the fact that even with Kyoto we are still a long way short of what we actually need to do. And we've got to build support in the political institutions of which we're a part in order to make sure that case is properly understood. //<br>I think we have to make sure that this occupies, as an issue, a central place in political decision-making beyond any election or parliamentary cycle. It's beyond the life of any government. It's beyond the life of any passing political phase. It has to be there, central in the politics of each country, built up not just from support within government, but from support within civic society over a period of time. //<br>The second point is about the conflict between the supposition that we need to grow continually and that we cannot grow unless we degrade our environment. That is the importance of a Climate Group that involves not just states and cities but also business so that there are practical, clear examples of how good environmental policy is also good business policy and is right for growth. If you look in the 12 years 1990 to 2002, we in Britain cut our emissions by about 15 percent whilst we were growing at 30 percent. It is possible to do. //<br>Showing that cities and states and businesses can do good environmental policy and actually reap an economic benefit is enormously important because that debate about some supposed trade- off between environmental protection and economic growth is still there. We may all, in this room, believe that that argument has been resolved long ago, but I can tell you there is


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The Australia-China relationship is now, as some of you have heard, thirty years old,and thirty years ago it is probably fair to say there were no official Chinese residents with appropriate visas studying in Australia. Today, that number exceeds 25,000 and is projected to exceed 100, 000 in ten years time. Education is the eighth largest export earner for Australia and to give you some idea of what that means, there are 38 universities in Australia. //My university, the University of New South Wales, has been active in the region, but last year overseas students brought in 128 million dollars to one university. Our local fee paying students brought in 34 million dollars. Those of you who don't know Australia might think that's strange, but of course the vast majority of our local students study in a government subsidized manner but also making some contribution themselves later on in life when they start to earn money. //<br>I wouldn't like you to think for one moment that I think education is about earning money, and I merely talked about the money education brings to Australia to reinforce what a big program it is and how important it is for Australia. and for Australian finances and there seems little doubt that governments really are obsessed by export dollars. I'm not saying that's wrong I'm just making a comment, but governments are obsessed by export dollars and therefore education is important. //<br>When I went to school, and I went to a government funded public school, there were about 750 boys at that school, and there were two Chinese students one of whom was me. Last year I spoke at a speech day. It is now a co-educational school, but 70 percent of the students were of Asian heritage, and of that 70 percent, about three quarters of them were Chinese. It's a selective school and therefore reflects, I think, the Chinese and the Vietnamese families' determination that education is important if they want their children to succeed. //I think that's great, but if any of you have visited the campus of my university you would notice one thing and that is it looks very Asian. At the present time, the University of NSW has about 34,000 students, 27 percent of whom are overseas students and the majority of those are ethnic Chinese but if you look at the campus you would think about 55 to 60 percent look Asian because the other quarter are like me, Asians who are Australians. And that's an interesting reflection of what's happened to Australia. //<br>(Excerpts from the speech delivered by Dr. John Yu, Chairman of the Australia-China Council, on the Australia-China Oration Series 2002, November 6, Beijing)


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中华民族历经磨难,自强不息,从未放弃对美好梦想的向往和追求。实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦是近代以来中华民族的夙愿。<br>在新的历史时期,中国梦的本质是国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福。我们的奋斗目标是,到2020年国内生产总值和城乡居民人均收入在2010年基础上翻一番,全面建成小康社会。到本世纪中叶,建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。<br>实现中国梦,必须坚持中国特色社会主义道路。我们已经在这条道路上走了30多年,历史证明,这是一条符合中国国情、富民强国的正确道路,我们将坚定不移地沿着这条道路走下去。<br>实现中国梦,必须弘扬中国精神。用以爱国主义为核心的民族精神和以改革创新为核心的时代精神振奋起全民族的“精气神”。<br>实现中国梦,必须凝聚中国力量。空谈误国,实干兴邦。我们要用13亿中国人的智慧和力量,一代又一代中国人不懈努力,把我们的国家建设好,把我们的民族发展好。<br>实现中国梦,必须坚持和平发展。我们将始终不渝走和平发展道路,始终不渝奉行互利共赢的开放战略,不仅致力于中国自身发展,也强调对世界的责任和贡献;不仅造福中国人民,而且造福世界人民。实现中国梦给世界带来的是和平,不是动荡;是机遇,不是威胁。


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Equipped with the camera extender known as a selfie stick, occasionally referred to as “the wand of narcissism,” tourists can now reach for flattering selfies wherever they go.<br>Art museums have watched this development nervously, fearing damage to their collections or to visitors, as users swing their slicks with abandon. Now they are taking action. One by one, museums across the United States have been imposing bans on using selfie sticks for photographs inside galleries (adding them to existing rules on umbrellas, backpacks and tripods), yet another example of how controlling crowding has become part of the museum mission.<br>The Mirshhom Museum and Sculpture Garden in Washington prohibited the sticks this month, and the Museum of Fine Arts in Houston plans to impose a ban. In New York, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, which has been studying the matter for some time, has just decided that it will forbid selfie slicks, too. New signs will be posted soon.<br>“From now on ,you will be asked quietly to put it away,” said Sree Sreenivasan, the chief digital officer at the Metropolitan Museum of Art. “It’s one thing to take a picture at arm’s length, but when it is three times arm’s length, you are invading someone else’s personal space.”<br>The personal space of other visitors is just one problem. The artwork is another. “We do not want to have to put all the art under glass,” said Deborah Ziska, the chief of public information at the National Gallery of Art in Washington, which has been quietly enforcing a ban on selfie sticks, but is in the process of adding it formally to its printed guidelines for visitors.<br>Last but not least is the threat to the camera operator, intent on capturing the perfect shot and oblivious to the surroundings. “If people are not paying attention in the Temple of Dendur, they can end up in the water with the crocodile sculpture,” Mr. Sreenivasan said. “We have so many balconies you could fall from, and stairs you can trip on.”<br>At the Metropolitan Museum of Art on Thursday, Jasmine Adaos, a selfie-stick user from Chile, expressed dismay. “It’s just another product,” she said. “When you have a regular camera, it’s the same thing. I don’t see the problem if you’re careful.” But Hai Lin student from Shandong, China, conceded that the museum might have a point. “You can hit people when they’re passing by,” she said.


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Even as the U.S. Senate debates a vast new tax and spend regime in the name of fighting climate change, a more instructive argument was taking place in Copenhagen, Denmark. Some of the world's leading economists met earlier this month to decide how to do the most good in a world of finite resources.<br>Scarcity is a core economic concept. There isn't an unlimited amount of money to be spent on every problem, so choices have to be made. The question addressed by the Copenhagen Consensus Center is what investments would do the most good for the most people. The center's blue-ribbon panel of economists, including five Nobel laureates, weighed more than 40 proposals to improve the world by spending a total of $75 billion over the next four years.<br>What would do the most good most economically? Supplements of vitamin A and zinc for malnourished children.<br>Number two? A successful outcome to the Doha Round of global flee-trade talks.<br>Global warming mitigation? It ranked 30th, or last, right behind global warming mitigation research and development.<br>On the benefits of freer trade, it was estimated that a successful Doha Round could generate up to $113 trillion in new wealth during the 21st century, at a cost of $420 billion or less from inefficient industries going bust.<br>Meanwhile, providing vitamin A and zinc would help some 112 million children in sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia for merely $60 million a year. The minerals would help prevent blindness and stunted growth—increasing lifetime productivity by an estimated $1 billion. Similar if not quite so bountiful returns apply to investments in iron supplements, salt iodization and deworming, all low-cost measures that the economists in Copenhagen ranked highly.


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